• Title/Summary/Keyword: Zhou Dynasty

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A Study of External Treatment History in Wei(魏) Dynasty and Jin(晋) Dynasty (위진시대(魏晋時代)의 외치요법(外治療法)에 관한 연구)

  • Moon, Woo-Sang;Kim, Eun-Ha;Lee, Byung-Wook
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.18 no.3 s.30
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    • pp.70-80
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    • 2005
  • 1) Objective External treatments have various curative effects. So it had been used to cure various patients. But, it has a limited sphere of application in the present South Korea. Therefore we would like to bring out its sphere of application and detailed method in the oriental medicine classics. 2) Conclusions From long time ago people have used external treatment to cure various disease. According to the ${\lceil}Nei-Jing{\rfloor}$, hot compress therapy, fumigation therapy and bathing therapy had been used to cure blockage syndrome, muscle disease, carbuncle and cellulitis. Thereafter, a sphere of external treatment had gradually enlarged. (1) After all its sphere had included dermatologic, psychologic, internal, ophthalmic, otolaryngologic, obstetrics, gynecologic, pediatric and surgical diseases. (2) External treatment methods have contained hot compress therapy, fumigation therapy, bathing therapy, application therapy, medication bag therapy, medication plug therapy, medication massotherapy, aroma therapy and so on. (3) Medication types of external treatment have contained ointment, juice, infusion, powder, suppository and so on.

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Development of fashion design applying the characteristics of women's Hu clothing from Tang dynasty in China - Utilizing the 3D virtual clothing program - (중국 당나라 여성 호복의 특성을 활용한 패션디자인 - 3D 가상착의를 활용하여 -)

  • Ziheng Zhou;Younhee Lee
    • The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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    • v.31 no.1
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    • pp.124-140
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    • 2023
  • This study analyzes traditional women's Hu costumes of the Tang dynasty, and deploys a creative fashion design to converge contemporary and traditional styles. In this costume, women wear a robe with striped or plain patterns in the lower part of the pants, and it appears frequently in red and yellow colors. Depending on the sleeve, it is either a round collar or a turn down collar robe. In the Hu hat, the huntuomao and juanyanxumao were leather and mili and weimao were used to prevent the sand from flowing. This study uses the CLO 3D program with the "moment" theme based on the Hu costume for women to deploy 4 pairs of fashion design and to produce works for 2 pairs. The 3D virtual clothing program demonstrates important effects in design deployment and pattern arrangement through its efficiency and convenience of clothing production. The CLO 3D program was closely combined with the 2D design and the 3D affect, and it heightened the efficiency in saving the processing time and energy of the sample clothes. Through facilitating the 3D digital fashion design, the production may reduce time needed and contribute to an effective economy, and it may compare digital fashion design to actual products as well as illustrate the potential of digital fashion design.

A Study on the Theories of Jwajowusa(左祖右社) and Jeonmyohuchim(前廟後寢) of an Ancient Jongmyo Shrine System (고대 종묘제도의 좌조우사(左祖右社)와 전묘후침(前廟後寢) 설에 대한 일고찰)

  • Seo, Jeong-hwa
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.62
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    • pp.231-262
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    • 2016
  • The Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) of Zhou dynasty was a king's main building where a diversity of rituals were held, such as 'the assembly ceremony between a king and vassals in the morning', and was also called as Taechim(太寢) Nochim(路寢) Jeongchim(正寢) and others. Before Zhou dynasty, the expressions of Taesil(太室) and Sesil(世室) were used, and especially the term of Taesil(太室) is found in the records of the early period of West Zhou. In "Seogyeong(書經)", not only the term of Nochim(路寢) but also the letter of 'chim(寢)' itself is not found at all, but the letter of 'sil(室)' appeared several times in the chapters of "Haseo(夏書)" "Sangseo(商書)" "Juseo(周書)" except for that of "Wuseo(虞書)". "Jwajowusa(左祖右社)" meaning that 'the Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) which keeps the late king's mortuary tablet is established in the left, and Sajikdan altar(社稷壇) which enshrines a god of land and grains is established in the right' was first mentioned in the part of 'Janginyeongguk(匠人營國 : a master craftsman builds different national infrastructures, for instance, a palace and roads)' in "Donggwangogonggi(冬官考工記)" of "Jurye(周禮)". In addition, so-called 'Jwamyowusa(左廟右社)', that is, "Sajik(社稷) enshrining the god of land and grains is built in the right('右'), and the Jongmyo Shrine(宗廟) in the left('左'). (右社稷 左宗廟)" was mentioned as one of different duties of a Sojongbaek(小宗伯) in charge of ancestral rites, which was recorded in "Chungwanjongbaek(春官宗伯)" of "Jurye(周禮)". And it seems that had affected the mention of "Jwajowusa(左祖右社)" in "Donggwangogonggi(冬官考工記)" appeared thereafter. Many manners scholars including Jeonghyun(鄭玄) since Han dynasty interpreted 'Jwa(左 : left)' and 'Wu(右 : right)' here as the arrangement relation of left and right of Jongmyo(宗廟) and Sajik(社稷), but when it is interpreted as "helping(右=佑 : to help) to sacrifice to a god of land and grains in Sajik(社稷), and helping(左=佐 : to help) memorial ceremonies in Jongmyo(宗廟)." it can correspond with a 'Jongbaek(宗伯)''s duties. 'Jeonmyohuchim(前廟後寢)' is the term that began from the expression that "what's in front is called as an jongmyo shrine(宗廟) and what's back as a bedroom.(前曰廟 後曰寢)" in Jeonghyun(鄭玄)'s annotation explaining the chapter of "Hagwansama(夏官司馬)" in "Jurye(周禮)" and "Wolryeong(月令)" in "Yegi(禮記)". Chaeong(蔡邕), a figure in the same age as Jeonghyun(鄭玄), used the expression that "a court is placed in the front, and a bedroom in the back(前有朝 後有寢)." In the paper, two hypotheses were discussed about the theory about Jeonmyohuchim(前廟後寢). In one hypothesis, it expressed two facilities within a wall; 'a court in the front to deal with governmental affairs, and a comfortable interior space in the back.' In another hypothesis, it refers to two independent and separate buildings of 'an jongmyo shrine(宗廟) building in the front as the area of governmental meetings, and the residential building in the back as the residence area with family'.

A study on pattern and 3D restoration of Chinese traditional women's robe, straight Ju(直裾深衣) (중국 전통 귀족 여성 예복인 직거심의(直裾深衣)의 패턴 및 3D 복원 연구)

  • Sun Yuan;Jihyeon Kim;Mi-hyang Na
    • Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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    • v.25 no.4
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    • pp.107-122
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    • 2023
  • This study analyzed the style, dimensions, fabric patterns, colors, and fabrics of a traditional Chinese women's dress from the Zhou Dynasty, and reconstructed it in the form of a virtual garment using 3D CLO. Based on ancient flat image data and three-dimensional portrait data, who wore them, how they were worn, and how they were coordinated was analyzed. In order to analyze the size and pattern of the straight Ju Chines dress, data from the excavation report and the tomb owner's anthropometric measurements were combined to infer the wearing condition and organize the sculptural features. Dimensional analysis was carried out using a well-preserved small-scale woven cotton cloth as a restoration model, and the horizontal and vertical dimensions were reasonably estimated using the shape proportioning method. The analysis of the colors and patterns of the fabrics was based on the colors and patterns of the fabrics excavated from Masan Tomb No. 1 during the Eastern Zhou, Qin, and Han periods. Finally, a virtual model was created using data from the excavation report and the age and height information of the owner of the excavated robe, and the pose and size of the virtual model were determined using 3D CLO. Based on the previous research data, the garment was virtually sewn and simulated. The shape, pressure, and strain of the garment in different postures was also compared. Through the research direction of pattern and 3D restoration, this research maximizes the restoration of Chinese traditional women's dress and presents it in a more intuitive, comprehensive, and vivid way.

A Study on the Sculptures from Donggwanwangmyo [East Shrine of King Guan Yu] (동관왕묘(東關王廟)의 조각상 연구)

  • Jang, Kyung-hee
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.46 no.3
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    • pp.94-113
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    • 2013
  • Donggwanwangmyo[East Shrine of King Guan Yu] is the shrine for General Guan Yu from the Shu Dynasty, China. This type of shrine was begun to be built from the Tang Dynasty in China and from 1598 in Korea when the Japanese invaded Korea for the $2^{nd}$ time. Donggwanwangmyo is historically significant because it was jointly constructed by China and Korea in the spring of 1602 after the end of Japanese invasion of Korea. However, almost no research has been conducted about the sculptures standing at Donggwanwangmyo and there are many mistakes concerning the names and materials of these sculptures. This study is conducted to resolve these issues as follows: First of all, it was found that the main building of Donggwanwangmyo enshrines those which were moved from the North Shrine of Guan Yu and the West Shrine of Guan Yu during the Japanese colonial rule of Korea in addition to what was initially placed in Donggwanwangmyo during construction. These relics are assorted and each line of them is displayed in the center and to the east or west of the building. Among the relics, seven sculptures are standing at the center of the main building, among which one sculpture of Guan Yu is made of gold and two sculptures of maids and four sculptures of guards are made of clay. It is particularly noted that the sculptures of Guan Yu and his guards, Guan Ping, Zhou Cang, Wang Fu, and Zhao Lei, represent the portraits of historical characters that actually existed. Moreover, the sculptures of guards are characterized by the fact that they are unlike those in China, but have two pairs of literary men and warriors that stand facing each other as is the case in the royal mausoleums constructed during the Joseon Dynasty. Second of all, the sculptures from Donggwanwangmyo were carved in 1602, but their costumes and equipment were derived from the paintings from the Tang and Song Dynasties. Some decorations from the Ming Dynasty are also reflected in the sculptures. It implies that Donggwanwangmyo was partially modeled after the Shrine of Emperor Guan Yu[Gwanjemyo] in Jiezhou which was rebuilt in 1593 by Emperor Sinjong of the Ming Dynasty and that the secular and dramatic patterns of the Qing Dynasty are prevalent in the said sculptures based on the patterns of the Ming Dynasty because all the sculptures at the Shrine in Jiezhou were constructed when the Qing Dynasty ruled between the $18^{th}$ and the $19^{th}$ Centuries. In conclusion, it was found that sculptures from Donggwanwangmyo were created in 1602, that they follow the ancient traditions attested by the paintings of Korean and Chinese sculptures, and that they are very valuable in art history since they retain the original forms of the Shrine of Guan Yu built during the Joseon and Ming Dynasties.

A Study on the History of Chinese Roadside Tree through Old Literatures Review (고문헌 고찰을 통한 중국 가로수의 역사에 대한 연구)

  • Zhong, Tao;Ahn, Gye-Bog
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.36 no.1
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    • pp.1-10
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    • 2018
  • For a systematic research of the history of Chinese roadside trees, this study analyzed various ancient writings of China according to following topics; the philosophical backgrounds and diverse species of Chinese roadside trees in different periods, as well as the management systems and existent remains of ancient Chinese roadside trees. The analyses draw the following conclusion. First, the thoughts from Lao-tzu, Chuang-tzu, Mo-tzu, Mencius and Guan-tzu from Hundred Schools of Thought of Warring States Period had laid certain impact on the fundamental attitude of the Chinese roadside tree management system. Secondly, various and different species of Roadside Trees were planted from each time period: amongst all, Willow trees were the most common, and Pine trees to be the next common. Besides, fruit trees such as peach trees and plum trees had been largely selected as roadside trees from the Zhou dynasty to the Ming dynasty. Thirdly, the names of roadside trees and the government officials who managed the roadside trees were different in each era. Fourthly, the oldest existent remain of roadside trees in China, which dates back over 2000 years, is located in Jiange Cuiyun Corridor of Sichuan province.

The conception of "Hwangjoin(皇朝人)" during the reign of King Youngjo (영조대(英祖代) 황조인(皇朝人)에 대한 인식)

  • Roh, Hyekyung
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.37
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    • pp.127-159
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    • 2009
  • This paper is about the conception of "Hwangjoin(皇朝人)" during the reign of King Youngjo in the Joseon Dynasity. Originally, Hwangjoin meant the Chinese people till the mid-term of the Joseon Dynasty but the meaning was changed to the immigrants from the Ming(明) dynasty in reign of King Youngjo. They were Han Chinese(漢族) and moved to the Joseon between the Japanese Invasion in 1592 and the Manchu war in 1636. The Joseon government gave a warm welcome to them. Two wars made the Joseon government pay attention to the national restoration and served the entrance of 'Sallim(山林)' on the central government as a momentum. Song, Siyeol(宋時烈) was the leader of Sallim, who made an issue of 'Daecheong-boksu Discourse(對淸復讐論;to revenge on Ching(淸) Dynasty)' like a way of 'Bukbeol(北伐;to attack Ching Dynasty)'. His plan came to fail because of the death of King Hyojong and was replaced with Jonju Discourse(尊周論;respect for Zhou Dynasty). Daebodan(大報壇) was built in the reign of King Sukjong, which meant Joseon got the justness that they inherited from the Ming Dynasty. Later Daebodan expanded and it led to works in honor of loyal subjects and patriots, victims of two wars and a policy of a warm reception for Hwangjoin. King Youngjo did his best to theorize Daemyeong Euiri Discourse(對明義理論) and Jonju Discourse for himself. His efforts came out as a spread of conception on Pungcheon(風泉;fengquan), publication and education of Eoje-seo (御製書) and making literary works(英祖御製). King Youngjo employed many policies for Hwangjoin. First, operation of Chungnyanggwa(忠良科) opened a door for them to go into politics. Second, descendants of Hwangjoin had charge of Hwangdan's guard(皇壇 守直) posts. and joined in the sacrificial rites of Ming Emperors. Third, they could have government jobs and honorary posts for ancestors' merits. Fourth, a list of Hwangjoin, "Hwainlok(華人錄)" was published and they got preferential treatment unlike Hyanhwain(向化人). King Young's Pungcheon(風泉) had an effect on literature such as Lee, Gyusang(李奎象)'s "Beong-sejaeunlok(幷世才彦錄)" and Song, Gyubin(宋奎斌)'s Pungcheon-yuhyang(風泉遺響)". The general people of Joseon were jealous and envious of them because of special treatment polices for Hwangjoin. So people wanted to be included in Hwangjoin as far as possible and there were cases of pretending to be a Hwangjoin. The conception of "Hwangjoin(皇朝人)" during the reign of King Youngjo was realized as the policy for Hwangjoin based on Daemyeong Euiri Discourse (對明義理論) and Jonju Discourse(尊周論). It was a way of becoming clear about Joseon's position in political principle.

A Study on the Usage of Miào(廟) and Gōng(宮) in Zhou Dynasty through the Mentions to Them in the Scripture Sentences of 『Chūn-qiū(春秋)』 - In the Process of Investigating the Existence of Zhou Dynasty's System to Regulate the Number of Zōng-miào(宗廟) 【1/2】 (『춘추』 경문에서의 묘(廟)·궁(宮) 언급을 통한 주대(周代)의 그 쓰임 사례 일고찰 - 주대의 묘수제(廟數制) 실재 여부에 대한 궁구 과정에서 【1/2】-)

  • Seo, Jeong-Hwa
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.57
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    • pp.57-90
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    • 2018
  • In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.

"Seres" Silk People Were Silla

  • Jisoo Kim;Youngjoo Na
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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    • v.47 no.1
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    • pp.191-213
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    • 2023
  • Romans in the fifth and sixth centuries BC referred to the people who brought silk from the Far East via the pre-Han (漢) silk road as "Seres". The Seres' colorful silk was characterized by intricate patterns and high yarn density, markedly different than thin "China silk". This study examined geographic and genealogic records and linguistic evidence and found support for the syllogistic conclusion that the "Seres" were the early Silla people. The Seres' territory in the seventh century BC was much larger than that of the Qin (秦) or Zhou (周), extending from Xinjiang to Balhae. According to literature records, Dong-Yi (東夷) invented Geum (錦) silk in the 11th century BC around Balhae, where silkworm trees were abundant. In the Han dynasty, even thin silk was rare and expensive, but in Gojoseon (古朝鮮), Geum silk was common and less valuable than beads. The Silla delivered surplus Geum silk, fur, and high-quality iron to the West. Linguistic evidence includes historical names for Silla: "Sira," "Saro," and "Sere," as well as records naming King Ruri of Silla "Seri-Ji"; and the replacement of the word "Seres" by the word "Silk" from the Goguryeo word for "yarn winder": "sil-kkury".

Confucianism and Confucian Connotation in Ding Shihan's(丁時翰) Four Poetry (丁愚潭先生四詩之儒賢意蘊)

  • ZHANG, Jing-hua
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.27
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    • pp.469-496
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    • 2009
  • Ding Shihan(styled Yutan; 丁時翰, 愚潭) was famous for his four-seven differentiation(四七辨證) on the area of neo-Confucianism. Yet few comments and criticism were made on his poetry, for rarely of which was handed down from generations. Hence there is a mystry on his talent in terms of poetics. Noted by Zhou Dunyi(styled Lianxi; 周敦頤, 濂溪) and Zhuxi(styled Hui'an; 朱熹, 晦庵) in Song Dynasty, most of neo-Confucianism scholars after them were expert at intoning and thus formed the poetic school of "Elegance of Lian-Luo"(濂洛風雅). Therefore, there is also a mystry on how his poetry related to his works of neo-Cunfucianism. During his whole life, Ding never involved himself in politics as an official. He read Confucian classics a lot, and was also proficient in classics of Buddhism and Taoism. In addition, he was fond of travelling in nature. A superfical conclustion is made based on these situation that his thoughts was closely linked with Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism. Therefore, it is worth elaborating whether his thoughts belonged to Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism, and whether he was a pure Confucian( 醇儒) through his whole life.