• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.9-36
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• 2016

This thesis aims to suggest probability of modern confrontation of Yulgok YiYi's thought. For this, find out the meaning of Li-Qi-Zhi-Miao(理氣之妙) and through the Qi-Fa-Li-Cheng-Yi-Tu(氣發理乘一途), and Li-Tong-Qi-Ju-Shou(理通 氣局說), Yin-Xim-Do-Xim-Shou(人心道心說), he creatively reveal the relation of Xin(心) Xing(性) Qing(情) Yi(意) continually. On one side he suggested the way of ideal man, on the other side he was showed adaptablity to the real world. So I think Yulgok had placed emphasis on the Zhongyong(中庸) and Yijing(周易), so he point out the meaning of ShiZhong (時中). Then he had high ideals practical Zhi-Zhonghe((致中和). So This paper is to find out his foundation of epistemology, and then to know It's modern meaning of methodology of moral Education's Implication on the relation of Xin(心) Xing(性) Qing(情) Yi(意). So We ca find out Ji(機) is very important the transition of Qi-Zhe(氣質).

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.17
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• pp.239-279
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• 2004

이 글에서 나는 세 단계의 다른 종교이해 방식을 구분하여 세 가지 형태의 종교다원주의 정의하고 그 특징을 설명하고 있다. 그 첫째는 차별적 다원주의인데, 현존하는 혹은 앞으로 그 모습을 드러낼 종교들 사이의 차별성을 그대로 인정하는 형태이다. 둘째는 상보적 다원주의로써 현존하는 또는 앞으로 출현할 종교들은 각각의 종교적 실천과 그 믿음이 그 내용상 상호보충적인 성격을 지니고 있다고 보는 것이다. 셋째는 통합적 다원주의이다. 이 관점은 모든 종교를 인류와 인간의 세계이해의 전체론적 발전 과정의 필수적 부분들로 보는 것이다. 이 가운데 통합적 형태의 다원주의가 가장 중요하다. 왜냐하면 이 관점은 각각의 다른 종교들에게 그것 고유의 이질적 역사적 관점에 의한 하나의 토대를 제공하기 때문이다. 이 관점은 또한 각기 다른 종교들의 차이점들을 창조적 전체와 연관시켜보는 개방적이고 창조적인 통찰력을제공함으로써 그 종교들이 인간의 앎과 실천에 가장 중요한 비젼과 관련하여 각각이 궁극적으로 적절한 위상을 성취할 수 있도록 하며, 상호간에 배우고 더욱 발전할 수 있는 존재로 서로 이해되고 격려하도록 하는 기능을 수행한다. 이와 같은 종교적 통찰력의 면에서 나는 상호보충적인 다원주의 이론을 발전시킨 존 콥과 데이비드 그리핀의 업적에 심심한 고마움을 전한다. 그러나 동시에 각 종교의 독특성은 유지하면서도 상대주의는 피하기 위해서는 어떻게 이 상호보충적인 다원주의가 화이트헤드의 창조성 철학의 관점에 의해 부분의 개성을 유지하면서도 전체를 감싸 아우르는 통합적 다원주의로 반드시 한 걸음 더 나아가야 하는지를 강조 설명하고 있다. 이 글의 후반부에서는, 나는 또한 통합적 다원주의 관점의 종교적 진리와 믿음의 고양이 중요함을 이해하기 위하여 서로 연관된 네 가지 주제를 논한다: (1) 지역적으로 상대적인 인류의 필요에 동시에 응하고자 하는 동서의 세계종교의 목표에 부응하기 위해서는 화이트헤드적 사유의 틀과 역경의 철학이 보여주는 사유의 틀이 어떻게 통합되어야 하는가 (2) 어떻게 상대주의의 내적 논리에 의해 제기된 논쟁점들이 세계종교 안에서 동시에 극복되고 고려되어 종교가 계속 발전하는데 도움을 줄 수 있는지 (3) 어떻게 인류가 창조성의 또는 창조자로써의 신의실존-우주론적 견해의 풍부함으로 인도 되는 신적 개별화의 근본 은유적 존재로 역할을 해왔는지 (4) 유가와 도가의 통합적 조화의 역사적 모범에 기초해 볼 때, 기독교와 불교 이 두 세계종교의 통합적 조화가 가능한지, 그리고 왜 이 두 종교가 세계의 종교들이 서로 다른 종교적 믿음과 행위의 통합적 조화의 상태로 나아가는 미래의 변화를 이루는데 유효한 종교가 되는지.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.72-89
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• 2012

This study aimed to reconsider the theory that the renowned Amisan(峨眉山) terraced garden at north of Gyotaejeon(交泰殿) was artificially made, by reviewing the historical records and drawings. It has been widely accepted that Amisan was made of the digged soil from Gyeonghoeji(慶會池). But several arguments about artificial mountain theory of Amisan that completely not be found in historical records have been raised in this study. The results were summarized as follows; the inherent contradiction in existing opinion, the discordance between the time of building Gyeonghoeji and Gyotaejeon, the existence of the mountain range which connect Baekaksan and Amisan appeared in Dohyeong(圖形), historical documents written in the years of kingdoms of Youngjo(英祖) and Gojong(高宗), a high position seen from Heungbogjeon(興復殿) in the north Amisan through the wall in the east but impassable, an opinion about realization Amisan as geomantic term of Amisa(蛾眉砂) at the time of Gyeongbok Palace reconstruction, and preservation of the mountain range in Gyeongbok Palace that comes from the result of the arguments in main mountain of Gyeongbok Palace in the year of Sejong(世宗). In addition, it was investigated why the slop in the north of Gyotaejeon was named as Aminsan and why the artificial mountain theory is appeared and made a conclusion that the Amisan comes from the change of the pronunciation of the geomantic term "Amisa", and modeling the yijing[意景] of Amisan which is a sacred place of Taoism and Buddhism in Sichuan[四川] of Chinaand the view of construction to mean defeating a spirit of smallpox which had to be cured. And it seems to be a result which retroactively applied the artificial mountain theory of Amisanis the technique of 'constructing mountain with digged pond dirt' to the relationship between Gyeonghoeji and Amisan. The greater part of mountain range which was connecting with Baekaksan and Amisan was seriously disconnected with large scale of exposition by the Japanese colonial period in 1915. But low slope is kept about 70 meters along the trail northeast of Gyotaejeon. Accordingly, it is judged that the range has not been entirely destroyed. And according to the result of elevation analysis, discontinuous slope form certain axis is found, so the mountain range of Amisan is approximately estimated. This basic research about the mountain range of Amisan might provide a critical clue about restoration of topography in Gyeongbok Palace.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.4
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• pp.136-161
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• 2014

This paper investigates the Buddhist sculpture and wall-painting enshrined in the halls of Bunhwangsa (Bunhwang temple) at Gyeongju in the mid-Silla period, which are thoroughly unknown to us except through textual records of Samgukyusa compiled by Priest Ilyeon in the late thirteenth century. According to Samgukyusa, a clay portrait-sculpture of Monk Wonhyo, made by his son Seolchong, was placed in Bunhwangsa. This image faced to the side, because he turned his body toward Seolchong when Seolchong bowed to this image. This story suggests that the portrait image of Wonhyo was most likely made after the Vimalakirti images, which were popular in China from the Six Dynasties period on, especially the Vimalakirti images of the early Tang period, turning his head and body toward Bodhisattva Manjusi seated opposite. The Vimalakirti image of Seokkuram might show the portrait image of Wonhyo. A wall-painting of a Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara who has a thousand arms with a thousand eyes, called by the name 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands', was enshrined on the north wall of the left hall of Bunhwangsa. During King Gyeondeok's reign, Himyeong and her five-year-old blind child prayed before this image, and the blind child gained eyesight. While praying, they sang a song pleading for one of the thousand eyes which the Bodhisattva had in his hands. This song implies that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara had a thousand eyes, one painted on each hand. The fact that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara of Bunhwangsa was called 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands' indicates that this painting was based on the scripture Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara Sutra translated by Bhagavaddharma in about 655, in the Tang period, which also has 'Great Mercy' in its title. In the year 755, a gilt bronze image of Medicine Buddha was made in Bunhwangsa, using nearly 61 tons of bronze to cast. The huge amount of bronze suggests it includes not only the Buddha statue but many other images such as two attendant Bodhisattvas of Suryaprabha and Candraprabha, Eight Great Bodhisattvas, or Twelve Guardians. Seven images of Medicine Buddha might have been made in accordance with the scriptural text of Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra translated by Monk Yijing. Textual evidence and recent excavation have revealed that seven images of Medicine Buddha and their whole attendant images based on Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra were made in the Nara period from 751 to 762 when Queen Gomyo contructed Sinyakusiji temple for the recovery of her husband Shomu. It is fair to assume that one or seven Medicine Buddhas and a whole group of his (their) attendant images were made for the main hall of Bunhwangsa temple in 755.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.54
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• pp.387-416
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• 2014

This article explored the duplicity relation between the Daxue/Zhongyong of Confucianism and the Yonghobigyeol of Taoism, which was advocated by Bongwoo Gwon Tae-hoon, who was a Confucian scholar and the progenitor of Sundoism. The view of Bongwoo Gwon Tae-hoon was that the Confucian scriptures that contain the mind control method handed down from Confucius are Daxue, Zhongyong and Zhouyixicichuan (周易繫辭傳). His another view was that Zhuzi (朱子) intentionally did not expose the original object of Confucian mind control method in the interpretation of Sangangling (三綱領) of Daxuezhangju (大學章句) annotated by him, since he was invoked by the contemporary logic of Sung Period (宋代). Bongwoo Gwon Tae-hoon added a new annotation on Daxue Sangangling and tried to disclose the original object of Confucian mind control method through new interpretation by explaining the implied meaning of character '中' (zhong) of Zhongyong Yunzhijuezhong (允執厥中) by way of Iljungron (一中論). In addition to this new interpretation, Bongwoo Gwon Tae-hoon took the Yuanxiangfa (原象法), which Confucius compiled as the extract of Yijing (易經) from Zhouyixicichuan (周易繫辭傳), as the core of Confucian metaphysical philosophy study. He suggested Yuanxiangfa as a methodology to reach the ultimate target of study together with the Yonghobigyeol of Taoism and paid attention to the close relationship between the two. Bongwoo Gwon Tae-hoon verified the original object of Daxue by new interpretation on Daxue Sangangling, left an analytical thought on the consistency among Daxue, Zhongyong and Xicichuan (繫辭傳) and the study method of Igyohabil (異敎合一), where he integrated the principle of Taoism and Confucianism. Bongwoo Gwon Tae-hoon left a new topic to Korean world of thought, which is as important as the Seondanhosuron (禪丹互修論) of Cheonghaja Gwon Geuk-jung (靑霞子 權克中) in Joseon Period.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.73-107
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• 2012

Yeoheon Jang Hyeongwang(1554-1637), one of the greatest Mid-Joseon Confucianists did systematic studies on universe and nature. It can be considered that he inherited the academic tradition of Cho Sik (曺植) and Jeong Gu(鄭逑) and followed their steps of fengshui (風水) and compilation of geographical records. His living and thought and deserve researching with regard to geographical studies. This paper attempts to analyze Yeoheon's recognition of geography in general. In other words, I shall prove that his view of geography is Neo-Confucian. At the same time, I shall discuss how he named people's residence, how he understanded the Joseon territory, what he thought about fengshui, and what significance the complication of geographical records by his disciples had. Yeoheon considered that land is composed of water, fire, earth, and rock, and understanded the land according to the theory of Zhouyi (周易). He analyzed geographic environments by the system of Zhouyi. His study of geography is basically intended for practical use, and as a result is necessary for people to choose where to live and where to cultivate. In his opinion, it is essential to divide the land of the Joseon by means of geographical differences in order to help people to find a better place to live. We can see his Confucian view from the fact that he placed a greater emphasis on human beings over nature. Therefore, the practical use for humans is the first priority in his study of geography. Meanwhile, he considered nature itself as only the object of study. He realized the vitality of life by making a close observation of nature and attained the mind of the Heaven and Earth in a detached way. He, as a follower of Neo-Confucianism, enjoyed the land by feeling comfortable with his present status and by being satisfied with himself. He put his Confucian view of universe and world into practice in his life. As a part of his efforts, he named his residence and surrounding natural environments with the polar star and 28 stars, and accordingly they are reconstructed in a system of universe. The Confucian tradition of dongcheon gugok (洞天九曲) starting with Zhu Xi's administration of wuyi jiugu (武夷九曲) was widely prevalent during the Joseon period, but Yeoheon's system of organizing places is original. His sense of naming places reflects his ideas of following his predecessors, comparing natural objects to human emotions, and desiring to live in retirement. Yeoheon understanded the Joseon territory with comparison of the Chinese land. He expressed his knowledge in the form of changing geographical features of a district, appreciating natural beauty, locating towns, and being familiar with a region, and proposing his own climatology and view of the reality. His recognition of the Joseon territory resolves itself into the following several points. He regarded the Joseon territory as one organism, and considered the territory to be composed of ki (氣) as Neo-Confucianists usually do. In addition, he understanded not only natural environments but also towns from a perspective of the fengshui and adopted a comparative methodology in dividing regions. He also applied climatology to analyze persons and customs. He employed the methodology of fengshui from the comprehensive theory of the Yijing. It is because he was influenced by Cho Sik and Jeng Gu. Yeoheon chose dwelling places for people, or gave advice on several places of his hometown relying on his knowledge of fengshui. When it comes to his theory of fengshui, he agreed with the theory of topography with regards to the fengshui of tombs, but criticized the custom of delaying funerals in order to turn fortune in one's favor. In addition, he accepted that it is necessary to complement a town by creating forests around it. We need to pay attention to the fact that Yeoheon's disciples complied several geographical records. It proves that they inherited the tradition of "valuing practical use and governing on behalf of the people" from Cho Sik and Jeong Gu. Yeoheon put a great emphasis on geographical records and encouraged his disciples to compile them. In other words, he emphasized that they, as administrator or intellectual, need to be erudite in the history and custom of a region where they have lived, and have to establish a standard to encourage or warn people in the region while considering the geographical records. His opinion functioned as a guideline for his successors to compile geographical records later. This paper only analyzed several facts with regard to Yeoheon's knowledge of geography and an academic tradition concerning the study of geography. In the future, I shall discuss how his predecessors and successors understanded geography and how the tradition of compiling geographical records was transferred and developed between them. I believe that this study will contribute to establishing the history of geography, which the Joseon Confucianists researched for a long time but we have not paid an enough attention to until now.