• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.107-130
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to catch the characteristics of the Hanju Yi Jinsang (寒洲 李震相, 1818~1886)'s thought of the 'Li(理)' through Hanju's view on the Ido-seol(理到說), the Toegye Yi Hwang(退溪 李滉, 1501~1570)'s latter Mulgyuk(物格) theory, and to establish the foundation for identifying the aspects of development about Toegye School's concept of Li from Toegye's Ido-seol. The Ido-seol was criticized for regarding Li - the immovable principle - as 'living thing'. Toegye School's scholars tried to solve this problem by translating the 'word' correctly. Hanju also translated the word 'Do(到)', the verb of 'Ido', as meaning of 'perfectly understood' based on his translation of the word 'Gyuk(格)' as 'Ku(究)'. On the other hand, he also regarded the principle-application structure of Li and the its characteristic the 'Li as Hwalmul(活物)' as the main point of Toegye's Neo-confucianism thought his methodology 'Three viewpoints[三看法]'. Before Hanju, scholars dose not have more opinion from the translation of the word, and it is too difficult to identifying their scholarly identity through their viewpoints on Ido-seol. On the other hand, Hanju thought that the lack of the idea for comprehensive approach between Xin(心) and Li(理) will cause the misunderstanding the relationship between Xin and Li. In this reason, he evaluated Toegye's Ido-seol based on the concept of 'One principle and its manifoldness[理一分殊]'. Consequently, he concatenated the characteristic of Xin which includes all things with concept of Mulgyuk, and emphasized that Xin which penetrates the principle of all things has the characteristic of 'One principle(理一)'.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.305-334
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• 2008

This paper is intended to present the philosophical thoughts of Yu Won-Ji who was one of famous scholars in The School of Toegye. He criticized Yi I(Yulgok) and Jang Hyeon-Gwang(Yeohyeon) because they regarded Li and Ch'i as one. Yi was considered an actual founder of their theoretical and political rival party called the School of Yulgok. Jang also refused to accept Toegye's theory and had developed his own theory, which emphasized the unity of Li(principle) and Ch'i(material force). Therefore Yu might well exclude Yi I(Yulgok) and Jang Hyeon-Gwang and criticize their theories severely. First, he was convinced that Toegye's doctrine(Li-Gi-Ho-Bal-Seol) was a orthodox theory accurately succeeding to Jhu Xi's learning. Secondly, he criticised Yi I(Yulgok) for looking upon Li and Ch'i as one thing. Thirdly, he regarded Jang's doctrine as same with Yulgok's. Fourthly, he thought it is necessary to criticize Jang's theory in order to preserve Toegye's learning and establish the theoretical identity of the Toegye School.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.113-138
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• 2016

The purpose of this research is to establish the foundation for understanding the appearance of development, inheritance and acceptance of Toegye Yi Hwang(退溪李滉, 1501~1570)'s theory after his life by examining Udam Jeong Sihan(愚潭 丁時翰, 1625~1707)'s view on the Ido-seol(理到說), the Toegye's latter theory. After Toegye, Ido-seol was translated as 'The principle of matters reaches the human mind'. Galam Yi Hyunil(葛庵 李玄逸, 1627~1704), the contemporary scholar with Udam, criticized this translation for applying the directivity and motility to 'Li', the immovable principle. However, Udam agreed with the conventional interpretation of Ido-seol and understood it as the consilience of mind which got the entire principle(體) of 'Li(理)' and contained the application(用) of all things. He extended this concept as the level of 'sameness between objects and self [物我爲一]' based on his former theory, the exquisite interpretation of 'application of Li'. The meaning of 'sameness between objects and self[物我爲一]' is not amalgamation but applepie order of matter's principle in mind. The Udam's viewpoint is differ from Galam who tried to overcome the structural limit of Ido-seol by transforming 'Do(到)', the predicate of 'Ido(理到)', into 'Jin(盡)'. It means that he tried to interpret 'Ido(理到)' on the more essential aspect. His view can be the useful tool for understanding the Toegye's neo-Confucianism system with 'Li(理)' as central figure. It suggested that Udam's theory of the principle and the applecation of 'Li' can be the important theory to investigate the formation of Toegye schools' though and its development.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.287-312
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• 2018

Confucianism which pursues the right relationship between person and person, depicts the ideal that moral individuals contribute to community development. In the 16th century, Toegye Yi Hwang, the authority of Korean Confucianism, reflected his educational intentions and interests and made the whole of the body of Confucianism and the whole process of the study into a series of 10 paintings 'Ten Diagrams of Sage Learning'. The purpose of the education which is claimed in the 'Ten Diagrams of Sage Learning' is to become a saint, and it ultimately coincides with the purpose of moral education which is to be introspective and practical moral man. The whole theme of 'Ten Diagrams of Sage Learning' is related to revealing the principles of humanity and morality in order to restore human nature on the basis of piety. Piety(敬) is also a purpose and a method of self-discipline, and is the main content. The method of education for traditional confucianism is aiming for the organic integration of purpose, content and method of education and reveals the consistency of the combination of knowledge and behavior in content and method. Exploring the universal value of traditional culture and re-raising moral culture that is important in traditional education is to discuss that what is valid for the present and the future is derived from the past tradition. That may be useful in solving today's educational problems. Especially, it is very meaningful to adopt a reflective approach to cultivate talented people who can 'realize oneself' and 'care for the community' which is the ultimate goal of education through analyzing the essence of moral education pursued by traditional education.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.35
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• pp.7-33
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• 2009

Oh Su-yeong (1521-1606) would be called 'Gyeomjung' with the pen name of 'Chundang' and 'Doam.' Since he was so good at calligraphy, he would also be one of the 'Seonseong Sampil (three great writers)' along with Geum Bo and Lee Suk-ryang. He wrote "Chundang Collection." So far, a study on him and his writing has been hardly conducted. This paper has investigated his life and companionship in order to restore his legacy that has disappeared in the history of Korean literature. This paper has briefly summarized his life and family line and examined his friendship with the students of Toegye Yi Hwang. In fact, most of his friends were the disciples of the great philosopher and Confucian scholar, which proves what he pursued throughout his life. In his poetry, many poems regarding moral standard in friendship are often found. A true humanity can be felt in them. In his sensitive poems on natural creatures can be sensed his wit and humor. After going through the vortex of war, he vividly described the reality of tragic war through his poems as well. A further study needs to be conducted on his poetry.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.6
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• pp.141-158
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• 1979

This is a bibliographical study of the editions of the Hsin-Ching-Fu-Chu published between 16th and 17th centuries, together with the postscript written by Yi-Hwang. For this research, 14 kinds of the editions are studied, the results of which are analyzed as follows; (1) The publishing date: 2kinds of the editions are published before 1969, and 12 kinds after 1569 when Yi-Hwng died. (2) The method of publishing: 2 kinds were printed by movable types, the others by block-plates. (3) The publishing place: 12 kinds were put out in Korea, and 2 kinds in Japan. The publishing places of 6 kinds of Korean editions are known. They are Muncheon-Gun, Gyoseokwan, etc.., For other 6 kinds of Korean editions, the publishing places are unknown. (4) 6 kinds of editions were printed in the double-border-line style, and consisted of 10 lines, each line having 17 characters. Such forms are regarded as the traces of the printing style of Gyoseokwan. One kind of editions was printed with single-border-line.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.189-222
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• 2012

This study aims to explore Yulgok Yi I(栗谷 李珥)'s political intention through his presenting Seonghakjibyo(The Essentials of the Studies of the Sages, 聖學輯要) to the King Seonjo(宣祖), paying attention to his political situation in early reign of the King. Until presenting the book to the King in December 1576(the 8th year of King Seonjo's reign), Yulgok had been neglected from the political development of the King. So his presenting Seonghakjibyo, which basically professed the perfection of the studies of the Sages(聖學), to the King included another aim to convert the King's negative view on him by synthesizing his political views and appealing to the King. Yulgok's political views are intensively summarized in the book's beginning "Jincha(進箚)" and the final chapter "Seonghyeondotong(聖賢道統)". Through "Jincha", he recalled the past of his political situation during early reign of the King and expressed his own will to participate in the government again by presenting this book that was the summary of his political views. Then through "Seonghyeondotong", he suggested his own specific political opinions to the King as the successor of Taotong(道統) in Chosun by expressing such an ethos that he succeeded directly to Chutzu(朱子). This study firstly tries to identify Toegye Yi Hwang(退溪 李滉)'s presenting Seonghaksibdo(The Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, 聖學十圖) to the King and Yulgok's successive will on it. Then we will review the times till presenting Seonghakjibyo to the King, 8 years of early reign of King Seonjo when he had been neglected from the political development of the King. Finally we will specifically analyze how his political views are expressed in each beginning and final chapter of the book.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.141
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• pp.313-342
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• 2017

This paper illuminates the philosophical meaning of appropriateness(中節) in Yi Yik(李瀷) and Shin Hudam(愼後聃)'s theories of moral emotion. According to this paper, there was a difficult problem in Toegye Yi Hwang (退溪 李滉)'s philosophy. That is, How we could regulate the relation between Four Beginnings(四端) and appropriate Seven Feelings(七情). Yi Yik tried to solve this problem by elucidating philosophical significances of appropriate Seven Feelings as it were, one hand, he approved the morality of appropriate Seven Feelings, and on the other hand, differentiated appropriate Seven Feelings from Four Beginnings. Thereby He achieved to explain this problem. His solution was dependent on the concept of 'impartial sympathic spectator' that he suggested. It is valuable that Yi Yik reexamined the ethical meaning of appropriateness. His pupil Shin Hudam, however, criticised Yi Yik's opinion and identified Four Beginnings with appropriate Seven Feelings. Shin Hudam deconstructed the conceptual scheme of moral emotion suggested by Yi Yik and regarded appropriate Seven Feelings as Four Beginnings. According to Shin Hudam, the concept of appropriate Seven Feelings designed by Yi Yik was very ambiguous, actually there was no any dividing line between Four Beginnings and appropriate Seven Feelings. Both are equally moral principle manifestation(理發)and moral public(公). Now old concept category of moral emotion(Sadan and Chiljeong) was disappeared and new concept category of moral emotion was appeared, that is public and private.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.275-308
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• 2012

This article aims to investigate the studies of Yi Xue Qi Meng(易學啓蒙) performed by the researchers of Neo-Confucianism in Ki Ho region in later Chosun period. Philologically speaking, these studies were mainly performed by Han Won Jin and his colleagues. While the study of Yi Hwang(李滉)'s Qi Meng Zhuan Yi(啓蒙傳疑) performed by the researchers of Toegye(退溪) School lasts from the end of the sixteenth century to the nineteen's century, the Ki Ho(畿湖) scholars' study of Yi Xue Qi Meng are centered in the eighteenth century and hardly any significant work on this text is found before and after this century. In order to single out the distinctive features of Ki Ho School of Neo-Confucianism, this article examines three subjects the Ki Ho scholars delved into: (i) their theory of Tai Ji(太極), (ii) their theory of He-Tu(河圖) and the formation of eight trigrams, and (iii) the so-called Wu Wei Xiang De Shuo(五位相得說) discussed in one of the sections in Yi Xue Qi Meng titled the Source of He-Tu and Luo Shu[本圖書]. The Ki Ho scholars are remarkable in interpreting Tai Ji in Yi Xue Qi Meng in the context of the theory of Li-Qi and the theory of human nature. There are differences in opinion among the Ki-Ho scholars with regard to the relation between He-Tu and the formation of eight trigrams. Eventually, they withhold Zhu Xi(朱熹) and Hu Fang Ping(胡方平)'s attempt to synthesize He-Tu, the rectangular diagram of Fu Xi(伏羲)'s eight trigrams, and the circular diagram of Fu Xi's eight trigrams into one single principle. Han Won Jin tries to explain the relation between He-tu and the formation of eight trigrams in terms of the relation between He-Tu and the circular diagram, and his attempt is widely supported by his colleagues. This theory runs counter to traditional model of explaining truth. My conjecture is that such academic trend is further developed by the defenders of Practical Learning such as Hong Dae Yong(洪大容), who vigorously reject traditional system of truth and science, and that it partly explains why the study of Yi Xue Qi Meng ceases in the nineteenth century.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.343-370
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• 2018

Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) completed "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證") at the age of 72, and later had the argument over Runwuxingtongyilunzheng(人物性同異論爭) with his disciple, Lee Sik(李?). Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) had the position of Runwuxingyilun(人物性異論) and Lee Sik(李?) Runwuxingtonglun(人物性同論). Yet, the argument over Runwuxingtongyilunzheng(人物性同異論爭) had been forgotten and "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證") could be acknowledged because Toegye school(退溪學派) and Yulgok school(栗谷學派) were conflicting and criticizing each other's stance at that time. It seems like Lee Hyeon-Il(李玄逸)'s "Liqulishilunsiduanqiqingshubian"("栗谷李氏論四端七情書辨") had a great influence on the completion of "Siqibianzheng" ("四七辨證"). Lee Yi(李珥)'s thought of Siduan(四端) and Qiqing(七情) was 'the position of Hunlun(渾淪)' that 'Qiqing(七情) includes Siduan(四端)', and Lee Hwang(李滉) had the 'position of Fenkai(分開)' that Siduan(四端) and Qiqing(七情) should be interpreted differently. Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) criticized the stance of Hunlun(渾淪) from the position of Fenkai(分開). What did Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) try to pursue through "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證")? This fact tends to make us forget the controversy over Runwuxingtongyilunzheng(人物性同異論爭) between Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) and disciple Lee Sik(李?). Now we know the fact that Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) criticized Lee Yi(李珥) in "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證"), but don't care much about the fact that Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) caused the controversy over Runwuxingtongyilun(人物性同異論). Why "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證") has remained in our memory even though it was an important one? It might be because "Siqibianzheng"("四七辨證") had an impact on Lee Sik(李?), Shin Hu-Dam(愼後聃), and even Jeong Yak-Yong(丁若鏞) in the process of summarizing the arguments over Siduanqiqinglunzheng(四端七情論爭) since Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) regardless of whether Jeong Si-Han(丁時翰) had hoped it or not.