• Journal of architectural history
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.43-58
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• 2018

This paper aims at researching on the substantial characters of the memorial address, namely the mookseo-myeongs(墨書銘), written at the members of the wooden buildings in the late period of Goryeo Dynasty and the early period of JoseonDynasty. In this paper, I pursued to declare the systematic origins by the comparison the Buddhist buildings with the other buildings, on the focused the written patterns. Furthermore, I tried to examine the transitional trends in the late period of Joseon Dynasty. The results are as follow: First, it is supposed that the mookseo-myeongs of the Buddhist buildings were not used for the a memorial address for the ceremony of putting up the ridge beam, so to speak the sangryang-muns(上樑文), but the prayer address(發願文) to memorize the donations of the believers for the constructions. Second, it is supposed that 'the short sangryang-muns' were originated in the mookseo-myeongs of Buddhist buildings and the other ancient prayer address. In the late period of JoseonDynasty, those were established in the formal literary styles. Third, to the early period of JoseonDynasty, 'the long sangryang-muns' were partially used in the several royal palaces. In the late, those were widely used not only in the royal palaces but also in Buddhist buildings, but those literary patterns were rarely changed from the former types.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.14-54
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• 2020

The overall study of Samsaebulhoedo (painting of the Assembly of Buddhas of Three Ages) at Yongjusa Temple has focused on dating it, analyzing the painting style, identifying its painter, and scrutinizing the related documents. However, its greater coherence could be achieved through additional support from empirical evidence and logical consistency. Recent studies on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple that postulate that the painting could have been produced by a monk-painter in the late nineteenth century and that an original version produced in 1790 could have been retouched by a painter in the 1920s using a Western painting style lack such empirical proof and logic. Although King Jeongjo's son was not yet installed as crown prince, the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple contained a conventional written prayer wishing for a long life for the king, queen, and crown prince: "May his majesty the King live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). Later, this phrase was erased using cinnabar and revised to include unusual content in an exceptional order: "May his majesty the King live long / May his highness the King's Affectionate Mother (Jagung) live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 慈宮邸下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). A comprehensive comparison of the formats and contents in written prayers found on late Joseon Buddhist paintings and a careful analysis of royal liturgy during the reign of King Jeongjo reveal Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple to be an original version produced at the time of the founding of Yongjusa Temple in 1790. According to a comparative analysis of formats, iconography, styles, aesthetic sensibilities, and techniques found in Buddhist paintings and paintings by Joseon court painters from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple bears features characteristic of paintings produced around 1790, which corresponds to the result of analysis on the written prayer. Buddhist paintings created up to the early eighteenth century show deities with their sizes determined by their religious status and a two-dimensional conceptual composition based on the traditional perspective of depicting close objects in the lower section and distant objects above. This Samsaebulhoedo, however, systematically places the Buddhist deities within a threedimensional space constructed by applying a linear perspective. Through the extensive employment of chiaroscuro as found in Western painting, it expresses white highlights and shadows, evoking a feeling that the magnificent world of the Buddhas of the Three Ages actually unfolds in front of viewers. Since the inner order of a linear perspective and the outer illusion of chiaroscuro shading are intimately related to each other, it is difficult to believe that the white highlights were a later addition. Moreover, the creative convergence of highly-developed Western painting style and techniques that is on display in this Samsaebulhoedo could only have been achieved by late-Joseon court painters working during the reign of King Jeongjo, including Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin. Deungun, the head monk of Yongjusa Temple, wrote Yongjusa sajeok (History of Yongjusa Temple) by compiling the historical records on the temple that had been transmitted since its founding. In Yongjusa sajeok, Deungun recorded that Kim Hongdo painted Samsaebulhoedo as if it were a historical fact. The Joseon royal court's official records, Ilseongnok (Daily Records of the Royal Court and Important Officials) and Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok (Suwon Construction Records), indicate that Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin all served as a supervisor (gamdong) for the production of Buddhist paintings. Since within Joseon's hierarchical administrative system it was considered improper to allow court painters of government position to create Buddhist paintings which had previously been produced by monk-painters, they were appointed as gamdong in name only to avoid a political liability. In reality, court painters were ordered to create Buddhist paintings. During their reigns, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo summoned the literati painters Jo Yeongseok and Kang Sehwang to serve as gamdong for the production of royal portraits and requested that they paint these portraits as well. Thus, the boundary between the concept of supervision and that of painting occasionally blurred. Supervision did not completely preclude painting, and a gamdong could also serve as a painter. In this light, the historical records in Yongjusa sajeok are not inconsistent with those in Ilseongnok, Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok, and a prayer written by Hwang Deok-sun, which was found inside the canopy in Daeungjeon Hall at Yongjusa Temple. These records provided the same content in different forms as required for their purposes and according to the context. This approach to the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple will lead to a more coherent explanation of dating the painting, analyzing its style, identifying its painter, and interpreting the relevant documents based on empirical grounds and logical consistency.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.140-170
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• 2021

This paper investigates the Wooden Seated Tri-kaya Buddha Images(三身佛像) of Vairocana, Rushana, and Sakyamuni enshrined in Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa temple(華嚴寺) in Gurae, South Cheolla Province. They were produced in 1634 CE and placed in 1635 CE, about forty years after original images made in the Goryeo period were destroyed by the Japanese army during the war. The reconstruction of Hwaeomsa was conducted by Gakseong, one of the leading monks of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, who also conducted the reconstructions of many Buddhist temples after the war. In 2015, a prayer text (dated 1635) concerning the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was found in the repository within Sakyamuni Buddha. It lists the names of participants, including royal family members (i.e., prince Yi Guang, the eighth son of King Seon-jo), and their relatives (i.e., Sin Ik-seong, son-in-law of King Seonjo), court ladies, monk-sculptors, and large numbers of monks and laymen Buddhists. A prayer text (dated 1634) listing the names of monk-sculptors written on the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushana Buddha was also found. A recent investigation into the repository within Rushana Buddha in 2020 CE has revealed a prayer text listing participants producing these images, similar to the former one from Sakyamuni Buddha, together with sacred relics of hoo-ryeong-tong copper bottle and a large quantity of Sutra books. These new materials opened a way to understand Hwaeomsa Trikaya images, including who made them and when they were made. The two above-mentioned prayer texts from the repository of Sakyamuni and Rushana Buddha statues, and the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushan Buddha tell us that eighteen monk-sculptors, including Eungwon, Cheongheon and Ingyun, who were well-known monk artisans of the 17th century, took part in the construction of these images. As a matter of fact, Cheongheon belonged to a different workshop from Eungwon and Ingyun, who were most likely teacher and disciple or senior and junior colleagues, which means that the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was a collaboration between sculptors from two workshops. Eungwon and Ingyun seem to have belonged to the same community studying under the great Buddhist priest Seonsu, the teacher of Monk Gakseong who was in charge of the reconstruction of Haweonsa temple. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images show a big head, a squarish face with plump cheeks, narrow and drooping shoulders, and a short waist, which depict significant differences in body proportion to those of other Buddha statues of the first half of 17th century, which typically have wide shoulders and long waists. The body proportion shown in the Hwaeomsa images could be linked with images of late Goryeo and early Joseon period. Rushana Buddha, raising his two arms in a preaching hand gesture and wearing a crown and bracelets, shows unique iconography of the Bodhisattva form. This iconography of Rushana Buddha had appeared in a few Sutra paintings of Northern Song and Late Goryeo period of 13th and 14th century. BodhaSri-mudra of Vairocana Buddha, unlike the general type of BodhaSri-mudra that shows the right hand holding the left index finger, places his right hand upon the left hand in a fist. It is similar to that of Vairocana images of Northern and Southern Song, whose left hand is placed on the top of right hand in a fist. This type of mudra was most likely introduced during the Goryeo period. The dried lacquer Seated Vairocana image of Bulheosa Temple in Naju is datable to late Goryeo period, and exhibits similar forms of the mudra. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images also show new iconographic aspects, as well as traditional stylistic and iconographic features. The earth-touching (bhumisparsa) mudra of Sakymuni Buddha, putting his left thumb close to the middle finger, as if to make a preaching mudra, can be regarded as a new aspect that was influenced by the Sutra illustrations of the Ming dynasty, which were imported by the royal court of Joseon dynasty and most likely had an impact on Joseon Buddhist art from the 15th and 16th centuries. Stylistic and iconographical features of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images indicate that the traditional aspects of Goryeo period and new iconography of Joseon period are rendered together, side by side, in these sculptures. The coexistence of old and new aspects in one set of images could indicate that monk sculptors tried to find a new way to produce Hwaeomsa images based on the old traditional style of Goryeo period when the original Tri-kaya Buddha images were made, although some new iconography popular in Joseon period was also employed in the images. It is also probable that monk sculptors of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images intended to reconstruct these images following the original images of Goryeo period, which was recollected by surviving monks at Hwaeomsa, who had witnessed the original Tri-kaya Buddha images.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.159-183
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• 2001

The praying sentences of the script of Saddharmapundarika-sutra NO.5 which was made by prayer Bang-Ui, prince Ik-An, was investigated and the cover painting, Byonsangwha(Buddha's preaching painting), and letter style written in the script were discussed in this study. The cover painting on the script is known to be followed to the style of the cover painting as shown in a set of 7 rolls of Saddharma pundarika-sutra of the Horim Museum collection. It is not so difficult to say that the characteristics of cover painting of the script would be suceeded to those of scripts of the end of Koryo and the early Choseon Dynasty. Lotus and its surround was decorated with arabesque figure whose stems were drawn with golden paste and the arabesque figures were done with silver paste. However, for the expression of lotus and arabesque pattern the special feature of drawing style that was originated from the end of Koryo Dynasty to draw the outline with broad line and/or the hardness of drawing line became much more deepened than ever. It is not different to think that this characteristics should be those of Choseon Dynasty. On the Byeonsangwha(buddha's preaching painting) the painting of scattered flowers on stairs of Sumera-Mandala and the scheduled clouds (underseen from heaven) were as similar as to the Byeonsangwha style of the end of Koryo and the early Choseon Dynasty. However, the image of Shakyamuni and/or the halo(光背) is nearly same as the characteristics shown on the Beonsangwha of Saddharma pundarika-sutra of Nesosa' collection, a set of seven rolls which was completed in the 15th year of king Taejong(AD 1415). It is apparent that these characteristics are those of Choseon Dynasty. After king Chungsean in Koryo Dynasty, letter style of Chao Meng-Fu was shown in the script of late Koryo Dynasty as a new letter style.

• Child Health Nursing Research
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.99-108
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• 2005

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to explore the parenting image of modern Korean society through modern novels published during in the stage of modern change in Korea. Method: The data were analyzed through latent content analysis. Modern Korean novels (N=138) written during the Korean modernization stage were chosen for analysis. Five categories and seventeen meaningful sub-categories were drawn out from 636 significant sentences. Results: The parenting images expressed in modern Korean society were as follows: From the category of [Devotional love], 5 sub-categories were drawn: Hedgehog's love, Lavish love, Sacrificial care, Exertion of the mind, and Prayer for the future of their children. From the category of [Stern father and affectionate mother], 3 sub-categories were drawn: Stern and Strict father, Tender and loving mother, and Strong maternal love. From the category of [Enthusiasm for their children's education], 3 sub-categories were drawn: Sense of duty to provide good education for their children, Zeal for their children's education, and Satisfaction with their hard-working children. From the category of [The head of family], 3 sub-categories were drawn: Person who has the right to make decisions, Reliable protector, and Object of filial devotion. From the category of [sexual discrimination], 3 sub-categories were drawn: Preference and favoritism to sons, Attaching importance to education of sons, Regarding daughters as those who help support the family. Conclusions: The results of this study will help to improve the basic understanding the parenting image and parent-child relationship in present day Korea.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.67-85
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• 2004

Four volumes of the script of the Avatamska Sutra written with golden paste on dark blue papers manufactured in Koryo Dynasty which are collected or deposited in every museum of Japan show specific features on their cover paintings. In general 3 or 4 lotus flowers are wound by arabesque patterns in zigzag on the cover paintings of Koryo scripts, whereas 10 lotus flowers painted with golden paste on the 4 volumes of these scripts are same in their style. Though there is no prayer sentences in 4 volumes of the script, it is possible to know that they should belong to a set of 80 Avatamska Sutra by the results of above studies. In this study the contents of Byunsangwha of the script of 4 volumes of the Avatamska Sutra were discussed at first and their manufactured era should be postulated by the results of style analysis of cover paintings and Byunsangwha. First thing that saint hair of Buddha was painted with cobalt color is same as that of Byunsangwha of Munsuchoisangsungmusenggebueob prayed in Tejeong 3rd year, king Chungsuk 13th year(AD 1326). Second thing that the beads in topknot of saint hair and lips were painted completely with pink color, and ears, face outline as well as bosom outline disclosed through monk's cloth were also painted with pink color, furthermore the last thing is that Buddha's face was coated with golden paste. All of these things are same as shown in the characteristics of Byunsangwha of the scripts of Kanezawa Daishoji, Matsue Tenrinji and Haga Tera collection in Japan. However, since the cloud pattern style of Byunsangwha of the script is similar to that of the Byunsangwha manufactured in reinstatement era of king Chungsuk, it is possible to say that these 4 volumes of script should be manufactured in the reinstatement era of king Chungsuk.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.349-371
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• 2017

"Hajaeilgi(荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon(司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life events he did see or hear about. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about folklore. Ji Gyu-sik wrote in his "Hajaeilgi" about things related to folklore, for example, seasonal customs, folk plays, rituals, or folk beliefs that were actually practiced then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material, and it is meaningful in the aspects of folklore as well. Therefore, as part of the work to look into folklore found in "Hajaeilgi", this author focuses on national rituals and folk beliefs in it. The things that have been discussed earlier can be summed up as follows: About national rituals, it is sorry that it only deals with the emperor's enthronement and emperor and crown prince's birthday in garye(嘉禮); however, it is meaningful to know that the people faithfully carried out national ceremonies and celebrations then. Particularly, it is noteworthy that during the national ceremonies or celebrations, students were asked to sing the national anthem. About hyungrye(凶禮), only it deals with the court funeral rite. Aside from Minbi's funeral rite, the court funeral rite was performed properly at the right time according to the procedure like before, and also, it seems that the people fulfilled it faithfully by order of the government. Also, it can be learned from it that Japanese killed Minbi, burned the body with oil, and left the ashes behind. About folk beliefs, the branch held a memorial service at the shrine of the town regularly. The town, too, performed Gocheongsinsa each year. The money needed for the memorial service was collected from the town people differently according to their financial situations, and they prepared for jesu for the ancestral rite altogether. The memorial service was carried out in Sansindang or Bugeundang, too, and it was common that they summoned a shaman to perform a gut. The diary is valuable as material. After being a Christian, Ji Gyu-sik once tried to abolish sinsa jesa held in hoesa and get rid of saesin(賽神), that is, a gut or pudakgeori, but he had no choice but to follow the precedent. Meanwhile, it is also noteworthy that when the town suffered from floor and infectious disease, Ji Gyu-sik installed an altar in front of his house for the town's wellbeing and health, prepared for jesu including offerings and drinks, and held a memorial service to Hwangcheonhuto(皇天后土; the gods of heaven and earth) accompanied with the town people. Also, when he had any hardships in his family, Ji Gyu-sik summoned a shaman for a gut or offered a devout prayer to the mountainous god. Such shamanism or the things like worshiping Gwanseongjegun(關聖帝君) mostly in the beginning of January and telling fortunes about the year were all folk beliefs. This was very popular among the people, and it seems that it was deeply rooted in his life as well. Also, Ji Gyu-sik supported Fengshui beliefs, and it seems that it is not different from the people's general tendencies, either. As described above, "Hajaeilgi" dealing with national rituals and folk beliefs in it is valuable as material and is meaningful for research on forklore, and moreover, it is also significant in the aspects of forklore as well.