• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.187-210
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• 2007

Dunong(鈍翁), Yun-Ji had born by a concubine, and his dream didn't come true for the restraint of his social position, so he tried to train younger men. His writings still remain 4 volumes of "Dunongyeonsocheonjimundap" and "Dunongdongmongmundap(鈍翁童蒙問答)", which may be called its primer. "Dunongyeonsocheonjimundap" is written in question-and-answer form between Chal-Hye-Ja(察慧子) who has a meager knowledge and Sim-Gyeong-Ong(心耕翁) who search for the truth. It is progressed from the law of nature to human's cultivation of the mind so as to reconfirm the recognition of the unity between the heaven and human beings and lead the interpretation and practice of the metaphysical proposition. It is characterized by making use of metrical compositions to induce plain tone of argument. "Dunongdongmongmundap", whereas, uses archaic writings to describe natural science including astronomy to the beginners. Dunong's scholarship is characterized by these: He explained the metaphysical propositions by approaching usual things including oriental medicine practically; He comprised the Confucian concepts intensively to examine the Oriental studies closely; He groped for the outlooks on the world of taking serious view of human being or human body. And his medical thought is characterized by these: He attached importance to the theory of viscera and bowels based on yin-yang and five phase theory; He suggested the concrete yin-yang theory with a viewpoint of qi-blood theory; He considered the concept of 'six' only as mutual rooting of yin and yang and five visceras and six vowels, and denied the traditional six qi concepts; He explained the ghost theories of the metaphysics based on the yin-yang theory to analogize points of sameness between the oriental medicine and the metaphysics; He emphasized restore yang theory. Therefore, we can say that he regarded the human body as small heaven-earth and grafted the abstract propositions into the actuals so as to put the metaphysical propositions in practice.

• Proceedings of the Korean Institute Of Construction Engineering and Management
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• 2006.11a
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• pp.373-377
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• 2006

By prosperous condition of construction economy in the early 90s in korea, we needed a lot of the qualified professional engineers(PE) to manage the construction site. In order to meet the high demand of P.E., government has established the admitted engineer system(AES) which is given to admitted engineer who do not take the written exam but have equivalent working experience in 1995. However, since 2000, while professional engineer's shortage has been resolved, the opposite situation has occurred that is serious over-supply of construction engineers. Thus, government announced that will abolish the admitted engineer systems as recognized existent admitted engineers. However, Professional Engineers institution is insisting that must not recognize existent admitted engineer. From this point of view, it is critical to make the supply-demand forecast systems as a derivative approach of system dynamics also, that is useful in comparing the argument between government and Professional Engineers institution. This paper describes about qualified engineer's supply change by admitted engineer system abrogation and suggests the idea to regulate the supply and demand with the improvement of the regal system.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.35 no.9
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• pp.1125-1137
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• 2011

This study investigates when and why the light pink Dan-ryoung appeared as part of the official uniform of the Joseon Dynasty and which official uniform used the light pink color. The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty, books written by scholars, and related laws were used as research materials. The following results were obtained by analyzing the arguments of kings and officials on light pink uniforms and laws related to official uniforms. 1. Red was the color of the king as well as the color of Dang-sang-gwan's Gong-bok (one of the official uniforms). 2. The colors such as To-hong, Dam-hong, Do-hong, Bun-hong, Cheon-hong that appeared in Sang-bok (among official uniforms) were relatively lighter than red. 3. To-hong started to be used in Sang-bok at the time of King Se-jong and was used at the time of King Seong-jong in Sang-bok because it was the preferred color. 4. In the Joseon Dynasty, safflower (the basis of red color dye) was cultivated extensively; in addition, people liked red dyeing because it was relatively easy apply; subsequently, a ban on red dyeing was continually issued. 5. Kings Se-jong and Jung-jong ordered officials to use Do-hong and Bun-hong to distinguish the red color of the king. After Im-jin-oe-ran, Cheon-hong was officially designated the color of Sang-bok. 6. The reasons why Dam-hong was used in official uniforms were twofold: the preference for red-like colors and the influence of the Confucian hierarchy to distinguish the king.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.36 no.7
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• pp.767-777
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• 2012

This study analyzed the system and arguments on the light-pink official uniforms and investigated the backgrounds and principles on the changes of the Sibok system. A study on light-pink danryeong in the latter part of the Joseon Dynasty is a de facto study on Sibok since the name of the light-pink official uniforms (implemented at the time of King Seonjo) changed from Sangbok to Sibok. Sangbok is discussed to explain the name change from Sangbok to Sibok and distinguish their usages; in addition, Gongbok is examined to understand the characteristics of the Sibok system. The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty (books written by scholars) and related laws are used as research materials. The research results are as follows. The name of the light-pink uniforms (a custom before the Japanese invasion in 1592) changed from Sangbok to Sibok at the time of King Gwanghaegun and the light-pink uniform was used as a relatively light formal uniform compared to Sangbok. Sibok was added to the law Sok-dae-jeon at the time of King Yeongjo (because the king respected the custom) and its color rank system was denoted from light-pink and red. Sibok was revised to light-pink, blue, and green under the law Dae-jeon-tong-pyeon that was promulgated at time of King Jeongjo. In the development of the Sibok system in the latter part of the Joseon Dynasty, the color rank system of Gongbok was reflected. The sovereign ideas in the official uniforms in the latter part of the Joseon Dynasty (revealed in the study of the system and arguments on the light-pink official uniforms) were the thoughts that respected the custom and the principles that distinguish ranks to establish a Confucian based hierarchy.

• Journal of Physiology & Pathology in Korean Medicine
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• v.33 no.5
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• pp.249-254
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• 2019

This study is aimed to refute against medical opponent's claim that Korean medicine does not conform to the conditions of science. Analyses and refutations against a journal treatise and a Facebook column formally written for a logical criticism and attack were conducted. As an example of the logic of the knowledge production process in Chinese medicine, 8 principle theory was exemplified in the Han danasty Classics "Neijing" and "Shanghanlun" at first. The knowledge was continuously revised and accumulated historically and then completed through Ming、Cheng period. The differential diagnosis and treatment theory is a logical process of forming knowledge through the process of abduction, deduction and induction begun from "Shanghanlun" succeeded to nowadays and it is essentially equaled with the process of experimental inference by Claude Bernard. Examples of normal science status based on Kuhn's scientific standards include the theory of 8 principle, differntial diagnosis of viscera and bowel, 3 yang and 3 yin diseases of "Shanghanlun" and warm disease theory. Examples of science lost or get its normal status by refutation following Popper's standards were cold damage theory and warm disease theory respectively. This allowed Chinese medicine to follow the general principles of science that form scientific knowledge and to correspond with the demarcation standards and concepts of science. However, as one of the conditions for becoming a science, Chinese medicine is partially lacking in terms of the interpretation of text language or the accordance with modern knowledge. Therefore methods are required to supplement this lack through multi-faceted research such as literature-based, theoretical and clinical studies.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.63-91
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• 2018

One of the goals of this article is to continue the momentum begun by emerging scholarship on theory and practice of writing about visual culture of and in Southeast Asia. I hope to offer culturally sensitive and embodied ways of looking at images and objects as sites/sights of cultural knowledge as further theoretical intervention. The argument put forward in my essay is three-fold: first, I critique the prevailing logocentric approach in the field of Southeast Asian Studies and I argue that in a postcolonial, global, and transnational period, it is important to be inclusive of other objects as sites/sights of social, political and cultural analysis beyond written and oral texts. Second, I argue that although it has its own political and theoretical problems, the evolving field of Visual Studies as it is practiced in the United States is one of many ways to decolonize the prevailing logocentric approach to Southeast Asian Studies. Third, I argue that if one reads these Euro-American derived theories of vision and visuality through the lens of what Walter Mignolo calls "colonial difference(s)," then Visual Studies as an evolving field has the potential to offer more nuanced local ways of looking at and understanding objects, vision, and visuality. Last, I point out that unlike in the West where there is an understanding of pure, objective and empirical vision, local Southeast Asian perspectives on objects and visions are more embodied and multi-sensorial. I argue that if one is ethically mindful of the local cultural ways of seeing and knowing objects, then the evolving field of Visual Studies offers a much-needed intervention to the privileged, lingering logocentric approach to Southeast Asian Studies. Moreover, these alternative methods might help to decolonize method and theory in academic disciplines that were invented during the colonial period.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.2
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• pp.4-19
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• 2016

Jangkei(狀啓) made to the Royal Court by Yi Sun-sin during the Japanese invasions of Korea is handed down under the names of Jangcho(狀草), Keicho(啓草), Keibon(啓本) and others depending on copying patterns of those times and later times as it was copied out by a third person. In particular, "YimjinJangcho(壬辰狀草)" which Yi drew up during his service as the director of the naval forces in Jeolla Jwasooyeong is known as the most popular Jangkei. "ChungMinKongKeicho" which has been re-located recently after loss is a national treasure level cultural property as valuable as "YimjinJangcho" and should be treated as a model of Yi Sun-sin's other Jangkeis by next generations. As of now, however it is not confirmed if it is a totally new book related to Yi Sun-sin or is supplementary to the lost Jangkei, this study decided to ascertain relevant information through a bibliographic discussion on the question. "Chungmin(忠愍)" was the title that was used after the death of Yi Sun-sin, and "ChungMinKongKeicho" was completed when Jangkei was copied in 1662. 12 books that would not be found in YimjinJangcho are included in the book and such books are also present in the Jangkei supplement which has been known lost so far. What should be especially focused on here is that the forms and contents of these (11) photographs that Japanese shot from "ChungMinKongKeicho" in 1928 turned out to be completely identical to those of the original copy. The point that Korean History Compilation Committee added the 12 books to Jangkei as referring to the book as "One Keicho(啓草) partially copied(抄寫) in separation" and that Cho Sung-do categorized the 12 books into a supplement and others can be solid proofs to make the Jangkei supplement called "ChungMinKongKeicho". In terms of "ChungMooKongKeicho", since it consists of 62 books in total, it is not reasonable to see the book as Jangkei supplement which has the extra 12 more books for itself. "ChungMooKongKeibon" in "ChungMooKongYusa" was written with a total of 16 books. In the body, Yidumun is only clearly present, and the three books in the later part are same with the original copy of "ChungMooKongKeicho". "YimjinJangcho" by Korean History Compilation Committee has been the only book in which Yidumun was observed so far but now, it is assumed that the publication date of "ChungMooKongKeibon" goes before that of the former. The counterargument to the opinion that "ChungMinKongKeicho" is the supplement to Jangkei is based on Lee Eun-sang's comment "One page of a log in the Jangkei copy supplement." At first Seol Ui-sik introduced a piece photo of the rough draft of "MoosulIlki" in a drawing form through "Nanjung Ilkicho by Yi Sun-sin" in 1953. Lee Eun-sang also added two pages of the handwritten Yilkicho in the Jangkeichobon supplement to "MoosulIlki" and for the second time, the phrase "One page of a log written during the last 10 days after the Jangkei copy supplement" and "Supplement" were used. Those views are originated from the comment "One photograph of the rough draft of "MoosulIlki"" which Seol Ui-sik introduced without knowledge of the exact source. Lee Eun-sang said, "One page of a log in the Jangkei copy supplement" because Lee mistook "ChungMooKongYusa" for a book related to Jangkei. Since it is the wrong argument different from the actual situation of the original copy, if it has to be corrected, it should be rephrased "One page of a log in ChungMooKongYusa." After all, the source of the counterargument is the mistake because there has never been the Jangkei supplement with one page of a log included. All the Jangkeis other than "YimjinJangcho" can be said as the Jangkei supplements but still, they are separated from the other Jangkeis for the extra 12 more books are present in the commonly-called Jangkei supplement. Due to that reason, the argument on how "ChungMinKongKeicho" with the 12 books added is the popular Jangkei supplement should be considered more reasonable.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.1-25
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• 2008

Myeong(明) Dynasty Period put together clinically various medical theory in Song(宋) Dynasty and Geum-Won(金元) age, organized medical system. They have been developed in theory, which thought of Byeonjeungronchi(辨證論治) more important, and clinical part which included diagnosis, therapy, prevention. In that age reactional medical thought was in fashion because of affect of Ihak(理學), therefore pediatrics have been affected from them. Especially, looking at the symptom of Byeonjeungronchi doctors, Manjeon(萬全), Nobaeksa(魯伯嗣), Wangdaeryun(王大綸), Wanggeungdang(王肯堂), Nuyeong(樓英) had succeed to Jeoneul(錢乙)' the five viscera Byeonjeung(辨證) system. Manjeon advocated Samyuyeosabujokron(三有餘四不足論) about Jangbu(臟腑) and organized the curative principle about Ojangheosil(五臟虛實). Gupyeong(寇平), commented on diagnosis of five viscera and classification of disease of five viscera. Wangdaeryun in the close of Myeong Dynasty Age explained main pulse, pulse of illness in detail according to weakness or strength of five viscera, pathological or physiological features of five viscera and Saenggeuk(生克) relation of Ohaeng(五行) in the book of "Yeongdongryuchwe(嬰童類萃)". Wanggeungdang and Nuyeong had organized system of argument which classified disease as a result of symptom of five viscera. "Yugwajeungchijunseung(幼科證治準繩)" and "Uihakgangmok(醫學綱目) Soabu(小兒部)" had been written by this principle. Nobaeksa had arranged the principle of cure about five viscera and explained method of common use about each organ's disease. Besides, Seolgi(薛己), Janggyeong-ak(張景岳), insisted about Myeongmun(命門) because he thought of Bisin(脾腎) of children and vigor by nature importance. Seolgi had applied and used very well Bojung-ikgitang(補中益氣湯) based on Idongwon(李東垣)'s Biwiseol(脾胃說) and controled and helped spleen and stomach. At the same time, he took a serious view about supplementing children's Sin-gi(腎氣) according to so many spleen and stomach disease was fallen because they couldn't make warm the spirit of Jungju(中州), result of weakening Hwa(火) of Myeongmun. Also Janggyeong-ak took a serious view strengthen of Bisin, so he assorted and used Insam(人蔘) and Buja(附子) to supplement children's weaken energy in kidney Jeonggi(精氣).

• Proceedings of the Korea Contents Association Conference
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• 2009.05a
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• pp.532-536
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• 2009

Recently the entertainment and sports/advertisement industry have developed rapidly, and the name or identities of celebrities such as entertainers or athletics for the advertisement so that following troubles are occurred continually. Some celebrities actually started a suit for there right of publicity was violated, and won the case. Meanwhile, the right of publicity has become a growing issue in the society. In the States, the right of publicity which controls using one's identity for commercial use, and it is recognized as a right of property separated from the right of privacy. But in Germany, the right of publicity is protected as a human right. On the other hand, in Korea, there is an argument that the mental human right and the right of publicity which has property-characteristic are not separated clearly, and also the attitude of precedent toward the right of publicity is not unified. Especially in Korea, where it is taking the written laws principally, it is not easy to recognize the right of publicity which is a monopoly and exclusion without basis such as any actual laws such as regulation of agreement or any conventional laws. Therefore, as the right protection of celebrities is becoming the social state and there is an agreement with the constituents of the society, now Korea shall progress legislation about the right of publicity, and prepare a legal basis which regulates the remedies for the realization condition, alienation, inheritance, objectives, duration and violation of the right of publicity.

• Korean Journal of Construction Engineering and Management
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• v.8 no.5
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• pp.161-172
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• 2007

By prosperous condition of construction economy in the early 90s in Korea, the government needed a lot of the qualified professional engineers (PE) to manage the construction site. In order to meet the high demand of P.E., Government has established the admitted engineer systems(AES) in 1995 that give the authority of principal engineers to the admitted engineers who do not take the written examination but have equivalent working experience. Since 2000, professional $engineer^{\circ}{\phi}s$ shortage has been resolved. however, the opposite situation, which is serious over-supply of construction engineers has occurred. Thus, Government announced that would abolish the admitted engineer systems as recognized the existent admitted engineers(about 1,000,000 persons) from 2007. However, Professional Engineers Institution has strongly insisted that Government should not recognize existent admitted engineers. From this point of view, it is critical to make the supply-demand forecast systems as a derivative approach of System Dynamics also, that is useful in comparing the argument between Government and Professional Engineers Institution. This paper describes about principal $engineer^{\circ}{\phi}s$ supply change by admitted engineer system abrogation and suggests the idea to regulate the supply and demand with the improvement of the regal system.