• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.45-68
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• 2018

This study is focused on viewing the March 1st Movement, a national movement uprisen nationwide during the Japanese occupation period, and women's independence movement from an angle of worldpeace. The March 1st Movement was held nationwide when our national sovereignty was lost, and it can be defined as a form of peace movement in view of world history. Particularly, the March 1st Movement was the people's independence movement without distinction of class, region and sex. The direction of national independence and freedom implied in the independence movement during that time period needs to be interpreted newly in view of world peace. Firstly, the urgent task to complete during that period was to accomplish independence in view of the times and the national people, and it was a form of peace movement. Secondly, the women who participated in the March 1st Movement changed into spontaneous participants or activists for the national independence movement and, thereafter, continued a history of women's independence movement of Korea. Lastly, the March 1st Movement became widespread domestically and to foreign countries such as China, Japan, Russia, Europe and America, so that its spirit of freedom and peace appealed to the weak countries in Asia. Furthermore, it worked as a spiritual support for the independence movement of Korea. As mentioned above, the March 1st Movement needs to be newly understood in view of world peace, and, out of that movement, Korean women's independence movement deserves a highlight as a peace movement stream in the world history of women.

• Korean Association of Arts Management
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• no.55
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• pp.155-184
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• 2020

This paper aims to reveal the merits and demerits of the exhibition by examining whether the subject intended at the exhibition planning stage was finally persuasively implemented throughout the work and exhibition, along with the theoretical verification of the way the exhibition dealing with the history of the women's independence movement from the psychoanalytic feminist point of view. To this end, a more fundamental approach to the theme of the Women's Independence Movement calls for the search for a feminine language that can capture women's unique identity rather than a masculine language such as the existing independence movement exhibition method, and for finding such feminine language, a feminine speech, art and poetic language, maternal genealogy, and women's solidarity are presented, along with theories. This paper, which expounds the role of art works in exhibitions dealing with history through theoretical verification of actual exhibition cases, has significance as communication between theory and field.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.71
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• pp.71-98
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• 2018

This study is aimed to figure out the way Yoon Hee-sun perceived the real situations of the society under the Japanese ruling and responded to overcome difficulties in the process of anti-Japanese independence movement. Yoon Hee-sun played an important role as a female activist of the righteous army movement in Kangweon-do and Manchuria. She was a daughter-in-law of Yu Hong-seok, wife of Yu Jae-won, and mother of Yu Don-sang. Three generations of her family had taken the lead in anti-Japanese independence movement. The Yus belonged to a school of 'Hwaseo' and devoted their lives to the independent movement based on the thought of 'wijung chuksa sasang', which means 'defending orthodoxy and rejecting heterodoxy'. They desired to go back to the past and recover as it was rather than building a new society. Therefore, their fights against Japan's invasion were not for establishing a modern nation-state but for recovering the royal authority of the existing order. Both her maiden home and her in-laws belonged to a school of 'Hwaseo' and Yoon Hee-sun couldn't go out of the boundary of her family background. Also, the motivation of her participation in the righteous army movement was based on the confucian values such as loyalty to the king, filial piety and fidelity. In particular, she possessed a high level of self-awareness not only as a wife but also as a woman. On the basis of this, she faced up to reality. For the more effective way of revolt against Japan's invasion, she determined to change the perception of women identified only as a wife of somebody. She thought her duty was to enlighten women through 'education'. As a result, manifestoes and songs supporting the righteous army movement were used as a powerful method.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.163-202
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• 2020

This paper examines how Japanese society produced and reproduced a distinctively gendered history and memories of the experience of WWII and colonialism in the postwar era. We argue that these gendered narratives, which were embedded in postwar debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women, have engendered contradictions and made the historical conflicts with neighboring countries challenging to resolve. On the one hand, this deepens conflict, but on the other, it also generates stability in East Asia. After Japan's defeat in WWII, the American Occupation government created the Peace Constitution, which permanently "renounces war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes." The removal of the state's monopoly on violence - the symbol of masculinity - resulted in Japan's feminization. This feminization led to collective forgetting of prewar imperialism and militarism in postwar Japan. While collectively forgetting the wartime history of comfort women within these feminized narratives, the conservative movement to revise the Peace Constitution attempted to recover Japan's masculinity for a new, autonomous role in international politics, as uncertainty in East Asia increased. Ironically, however, this effort strengthened Japan's femininity because it involved forgetting Japan's masculine role in the past. This forgetting has undermined efforts to achieve masculine independence, thus reinforcing dependence on the United States. Recurrent debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women have influenced how Japanese political elites and intellectual society have constructed distinctive social institutions, imagined foreign relations, and framed contemporary problems, as indicated in their gendered restructuring of history.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.14
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• pp.99-117
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• 1990

The purpose of this study was to investigate the change of clothes in modem Korean women in terms of a socioeconomical background, the introduction to western clothes, and the improvement of clothes between the opening period of ports in the early 1900's and 1960's. In addition, the study investigated how western clothes became popular in a Korean society along with the traditional' Korean clothes, Hanbok. The radical social change since the opening of ports motivated the change in the way of Korean women's thinking, and consequenty the improvement of Hanbok which developed into the clothes-improvement-movement. It was not until 1905 that the improvement of clothes was hotly debated particularly in the matter of abolishing Jangeui and the extreme length of Jeogori and Chima. The Tongchima-Jeogori style which lengthened Jeogori and shortened Chima was widely accepted as everyday wear until the western clothes substituted them after the Independence from Japanese Conquest. As the length of Chima shortened, there occurred a change in Boson and Jipsin as well. There appeared shoes and Gomoosin in place of Jipsin, socks in stead of Boson and were popularized until after the Liberation in 1945. The popularity of Gomoosin diminished markedly with the diversification of shoes styles, due to the improvement of the standard of living with economic development in the 1960's. The traditional Hanbok was gradually differentiated according to the social status, for instance student, teachers, ordinary women, girls and Kisaeng. Especially since the white clothes caused much trouble in washing and sewing, there came into being the movement of wearing colorful clothes. The Movement of abolishing white clothes and promoting of wearing colorful clothes was enforced during the period of Japaness conquest from the 1920's to the Liberation, which consequently stimulated an interest for colors of clothes. The period under the war between 1937 and 1945 was especially noted for the extreme regulation over the clothes. The Japanese government forced each group of women, e.g., girl students, a young women's association, school teachers, and ordinary women and girls, to wear their own uniforms. Also, It recommended the use of Tongchima in stead of long skirts, and buttons in place of Coreum so as to conserve textile encouraging the use of other substitutes to save resources. The western clothes, a model of clothe's improvement was deemed as a symbol of modernization and enjoyed general popularity. The supply of relief clothes after the Korean war accelerated the expansion of western clothes even further and the trend of westernization along with economic progress in the 1960's resulted in wearing of western clothes as everyday dress. The expansion of western clothes as casual wear rapidly diminished wearing of Hanbok which in turn took the position of ceremonial dress worn in special cases only. Hence the Korean women's clothes were dualized into traditional Hanbok and western clothes and the western clothes that stems on its convenience was settled as everyday wear where as the Hanbok appeared as ceremonial dress stressing on ornamental features. As mentioned aboved, we are able to discovered an orientation in the course of transitional process of modern Korean women's clothes admist diversified changes, which is a consistent pursuit of convenience and practicality based upon progmatism. The trend such as this carne into a finale' as women's dress became dualistic in forms of Hanbok and western clothes, and the change since then is supposed to proceed in two forms of dress featuring its own style.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.227-234
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• 2019

Hyochang Park was the royal tomb of the Joseon Dynasty, where were the tombs of Prince Munhyo and his birth mother Ui-bin Seong, king Soonjo's concubine Sook-Ui Park and Youngon princess by a concubine. It was upgraded from Hyochang tomb to Hyochangwon at King Gojong. The Japanese imperialism destroyed Hyochangwon and made it into a park, also moved to Seosamneung in 1944. After returning from Chongqing after liberation, Kimgu made the independence movement tomb in the empty space of Hyochang Park. There were 3 martyr's tomb, provisional government figure tomb. Kimgu himself was buried in Hyochang Park after his death in 1949. During the regime of Rhee Seung-man and Park Jeong-hee, there was a constant attempt to change the identity of Hyochang Park, where independence activists were buried. Hyochang Stadium, Wonhyo buddhist priest's Statue and North Korean Anti-Communist Tower were established. After democratization in 1987, the independence activist tomb of Hyochang Park began to gain meaning again. The 6th Republic succeeded the provisional government in the Constitution, also the national cemetery and independent park of Hyochang Park were attempted but the social consensus could not be achieved. This study focuses on the historical middle layer and symbolism of Hyochang Park and aims to contribute to social consensus on the identity of Hyochang Park by making a storytelling on the theme of 'Independence Road'.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.43
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• pp.7-50
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• 2016

In the capitalized Joseon Dynasty under the Japanese colonial rule, most Gisaengs (female entertainers) were waiting for men who would save them from financial distress, but others chose to seize the opportunity imposed by the modern times and capitalization to transform their lives. Socialist Jung Chil-sung was one of those who utilized such opportunity to transform themselves through political awakening. The political awakening of Chung Chil-sung was the result of two factors-the historical occasion of the March $1^{st}$ movement and her personal labor experience as Gisaeng. The March $1^{st}$ movement was not only a colossal political incident externally manifested in nationalism and but also an occasion which educed the microscopic anger of a woman named Chung Chil-sung. In the early capitalist society, women with jobs were forced to play not only vocational tasks but also to subject themselves to emotional roles of being obedient and generous. In other words, those early career women suffered feelings such as anger, shame and humiliation, when they were defenselessly exposed to gender hierarchy and gender power in the public sphere. As shown in the case of Chung Chil-sung, these emotions led to a certain political awakening. The political awakening through the labor experience and emotional problems was the fact that helped Chung Chil-sung have a concrete and realistic understanding about the issue of women's economic dependence unlike other female socialists. But, although socialism was relatively the most appropriate language to explain Chung Chil-sung's experience, what she experienced contained several elements that cannot be explained by the elite socialist language. Therefore, her life paradoxically proved the need of lower-class women's lives to be divided and registered as a new emotion and to be politically visualized.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.38 no.7
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• pp.133-152
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• 2000

This study was inquire into the state of the family ethics during the period of the beginning of 1880′s to the 3.1 independence movement of 1919 which has been the black period in the history of Korean family ethics. The research was conducted by analyzing the newspapers, magazines, related literature and articles of the period. It was the beginning of the 1860′s and by the "Cheondo-Kyo" (the Religion of the Heavenly) way that the issues regarding the equality of sexes as the central concern of the modem family ethics came to be the object of the social discourse for the first time in Korean history. The social discourse had come to be positively activated around 1900, when the intellectuals of the "Korean enlightenment" had begun to the feel necessity of the modernization of Korean socialite and the importance of the women education as the essential part of it. However, the activation of the social discourse itself, especially with the newspapers of that period did not mean the changes of the traditional Confucian family ethics, but the discourse of the modernizing forces had become the seeds for changing the family ethics of the Korean people. The made chauvinistic nature of the family ethics of the period was not so much different from those of the preceeding patriarch societies, but the state of the family ethics during the period are characterized by several social phenomenon such as the rising needs of using the "Hangle"(Korean alphabet) instead of Chinese character for the equal education of the both sexes, increasing practices of the early marriage, customs of trade marriage in accordance with the demand of excessive weeding presents, and regarding social consciousness of the traditional family ethics as patriotics attitude against the Christian rejection of the ancestor worship ritual.

• Journal for History of Mathematics
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.1-14
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• 2009

Since western mathematics and astronomy had been introduced in Chosun dynasty in the 17th century, most of Chosun mathematicians studied Shu li jing yun(數理精蘊) for the western mathematics. In the last two decades of the 19th century, Chosun scholars have studied them which were introduced by Japanese text books and western missionaries. The former dealt mostly with elementary arithmetic and the latter established schools and taught mathematics. Lee Sang Seol(1870~1917) is well known in Korea as a Confucian scholar, government official, educator and foremost Korean independence movement activist in the 20th century. He was very eager to acquire western civilizations and studied them with the minister H. B. Hulbert(1863~1949). He wrote a mathematics book Su Ri(數理, 1898-1899) which has two parts. The first one deals with the linear part(線部) and geometry in Shu li jing yun and the second part with algebra. Using Su Ri, we investigate the process of transmission of western mathematics into Chosun in the century and show that Lee Sang Seol built a firm foundation for the study of algebra in Chosun.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.4
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• pp.38-58
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• 2022

Park Wan-seo's novels deal with realistic topics of society, such as women's issues, the capitalist system, and the problems that come with old age. Assuch, her work is used as a tool to analyze social phenomena in various fields, such as women's studies, sociology, and literature. A characteristic style of Park Wan-seo's novels is that she bases them on her own experiences. However, among her novels, the novel Mimang is exceptional. The plot is based on stories that have been passed down from generation to generation. This is to show the spirit of the times through the unforgettable story of her hometown, Gaesong. Mimang is the story of a family chronology that spans four generations centered on Chun Cheu-Man and his family, who became powerful capitalists through the cultivation and commerce of ginseng cultivation. Set in the late 19th century until the end of the Korean War, the novel unravels the essence of the times symbolized by merchants of ginseng and Gaeseong, focusing on the actions of people living in a period of historical turbulence. Gaeseong is the mecca of Korean ginseng, and Gaeseong cannot be portrayed without the story of ginseng and its merchants. Therefore, Mimang, a fictionalized story based on real facts, contains valuable testimony of the history of ginseng, not only as historical values of modern history and personal customs but also as microhistory. In the novel, traces of the times of Gaeseong and the spirit of ginseng merchants, as shown in the Japanese sacking of ginseng during the colonial period, the resistance of ginseng merchants, and the conversion of ginseng capitalism to modern capitalism, are imprinted like fossils. What is especially meaningful is that the stories in the novel correspond to historical facts and constitute a chapter in the history of ginseng. The symbolism of ginseng in the novel can be explained in three main ways. First, it shows the essence of Korean ginseng. It reveals the soul of ginseng through the sincerity and rigor of ginseng farming, as well as the spirit and pride of ginseng. Second, it symbolizes the exploitation of ginseng in Japan as a national issue. The efforts of ginseng merchants to protect this and support the independence movement are presented as important themes to express nationalism. Third, it shows the modern capitalist progressiveness of Gaeseong ginseng merchants, who do not stay in landownership and commercial capital, but convert them to productive capital and contribute to society by modernizing them. The three symbolisms show the spirit of the times of the Gaeseong ginseng merchants, clearly revealing the meaningful relationship between the Korean people and ginseng.