• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.57 no.7
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• pp.30-44
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• 2007

The culture includes every possible objective forms created by humans and their shared aspects of ideas, feelings, and behaviors, beliefs and etc. The dress and its ornaments are part of the culture that expresses the relationships in objective ways and in formless immaterial ways. The school uniform represents significant meanings to the students in their school years, and it is the way of expressing their individuality and full filling their needs for self-presentation. Therefore, understanding and analyzing youth culture means understanding students' school uniform along with fast changing twenty first century civilization. Korea and Japan are very close nations to each other. Both Korean and Japanese girls' school uniform style were adopted western clothing style and went through many changes based on cultural differences between two countries. They are affected by different peculiarities between two nations and youth cultures from different cities. Therefore, this research is on analyzing how different visual values of girl's high school uniforms in Seoul and Tokyo and understanding youth cultures through macro-analysis. The youth cultures in Korea and Japan are mostly similar but there is special development on animation in Japan and possibly can find many styles of girl's high school uniform. Both nations are varying to be opened to sexual culture of adolescents but Japan is more uninhibited than Korea. In Japan, sailor-uniform can be found in fetish way in public culture. On one hand, because of most private girl's high schools in Tokyo takes an entrance examination, top-ranking students are very proud of their school uniforms and even students from other public high schools get private high school uniforms to attend school festival. This analysis showed that private girl's high school uniform in Seoul appealed as slim fitted silhouette which is close to modem woman's suit style while in Tokyo appealed as boxy style matched with short pleated skirt or sailor-uniform style. Comparing that to school uniform photos taken on the street, we can find that alikeness or more extreme styles as examples. These are influenced by different youth cultures in Seoul and Tokyo and cultural differences stands for different aesthetic norm being accepted or rejected.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.34
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• pp.107-139
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• 2020

This paper primarily focuses on the highest deity, the Upper Thearch of the Nine Heavens (officially translated as 'The Supreme God of the Ninth Heaven'), in the Korean new religious movement (NRM) Daesoon Jinrihoe and the true minister of the myriad spirits in the Taiwanese NRM, Yiguan Dao, the Upper Thearch of Manifest Luminosity. As the two both serve as highly representative "Upper Thearch" beliefs in emerging NRMs, I attempt a comparative analysis of the source of these beliefs, their characteristics, and the links that exist between them. On the basis of ancient Chinese classics and Daoist texts, along with Daesoon Jinrihoe's scriptures and works from Yiguan Dao's Canon, I try to understand the distinguishing features of cosmological ideas from both religious movements. For example, because the Upper Thearch of the Nine Heavens could not bear to see the human realm growing ever more disordered and in order to improve worldly conditions, he traveled to the harmonized realm of deities, and therefore descended into the world to make a great itineration and enlighten the people through his teachings. In the end, he came to Korea and was reborn as Kang Jeungsan (secular name: Kang Il-Sun) in Gaekmang Village. In the Human Realm, he spread his transformative teachings to the people which were later became the doctrines of the Virtuous Concordance of Yin and Yang, Harmonious Union between Divine Beings and Human Beings, the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence, and Perfected Unification (jingyeong 真境) with the Dao. Yiguan Dao; however, explains that the source of humanity is the "Heaven of Principle" (Litian 理天), and people are "Buddha's Children of the Original Embryo" (Yuantai Fozi 原胎佛子), created by the Upper Thearch of Manifest Luminosity, who came to world to govern and impart spiritual refinement, before returning to his native place in the Heaven of Principle. Yet, because he became infatuated with the world of mortals, he forgot the path of his return. Therefore, the Eternal Mother sent Maitreya Buddha, the Living Buddha Jigong 濟公, and the Bodhisattva of Moon Wisdom (Yuehui pusa 月慧菩薩) to descend to the human world and teach the people, so that they may acknowledge the Eternal Mother as the root of return, achieve their return to the origin, and go back to the home of the Eternal Mother in the Heaven of Principle. Both Daesoon Jinrihoe and Yiguan Dao refer to their highest deity, the true ministers of the myriad spirits, with the simple title "Upper Thearch." This phenomenon also has some ties to God in the western Biblical tradition but also has some key differences. In investigating the sources of these two deities, we find that they likely took shape during the Yinshang (殷商) period and have some relationship to the Upper Thearch of Chinese antiquity. The questions raised in this research are quite interesting and deserving of deeper comparative study.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.191-219
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• 2020

This paper aims to identify the key features of the novel writing of Korean American immigrants and their meaning as one aspect of movement and contact occuring in the early modern period. The late return of the novels written by Nakcheong THUN in the 1930s is significant in that it restored ideas on the diversity of early modern mobility and confronted the history and culture of immigrants who were excluded from records and memories. Not only are these novels a product of the phenomenon of immigration, but they have also created a crack in the dichotomous perceptions of domination and subordination, center and periphery by envisioning it as a space that creates new history, culture, institutions and values. These novels treat the free love of intellectual, emotional, and ethical figures as a central event, demystifying Western free love, and at the same time, a society divided by various identities including class, race, and gender. The novels by Nakchung THUN visualize the active exchange between the immigrant and the indigenous community through the character of Jack, and imagines the heterotopia as a place where not for the immigrants' utopia, but for everyone's coexists. These novels have declared a kind of memory war on the subordinate and marginalized contact zones. The contact zones of the immigration area had been a place for experiencing extreme conflicts and discords, and at the same time, it has served as a place where various groups and communities are connected. The contact zones were common areas of solidarity and creation before being subject to division and occupation. The contact zones are far from the border or borderlands, so it is not a fixed and immutable deadlock. As a world free from central domination the contact zones have been a space that preoccupied history and culture through various encounters, and have been a community.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.10 no.spc
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• pp.177-209
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• 2004

This paper provides a theoretical and conceptual framework for understanding adolescent culture and educational achievement in Korea. In the first part of the paper, the authors outline a research paradigm in cultural psychology and adolescent culture. In the second section, the traditional family structure, the role of parents, and how they have been changed by modernization are outlined. In the third section, socialization practices and parent-child relationship are reviewed. In the fourth section, Western theories that have been developed to explain educational achievement and their limitations are examined. In the fifth section, factors that contribute to educational success of Korean students are presented. In the final section, the impact of centralized, standardized, and rigid educational system that is imposed on adolescents is discussed. The highly regulated and centralized bureaucracy restricts educational and career opportunities for adolescents and it is responsible for the high rate of violence, delinquency, and bullying in Korea. The need for encouraging civil society that allows for diversity of ideas and skills and at the same time maintaining strong relational bonds are discussed.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.22
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• pp.263-276
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• 1994

The achievement of notable social reoforms attained during the period of 19th and 20th centuries needlessly speaking remodelded the social environmental into several different patterns such as :1) high industrialization 2) propensity to consume 3) up graded overall social stands. Accordingly the industrial world of the but-tons too established the mess production syhstem by breaking from convention of hand-craft work of 17th century. The raw materials used in the production line on buttons during the 20th century are almost all-kind of materials one can possibly named including cheap plastic which enabled production lines to produce cheaper but higher productivities of the buttons being produced, The design (incused design) used in the 19-20h centuries are : men landscape, sports features, birds, livestocks, bugs, or geomatric features, tec, 1, The classification o f the buttons by materials Techniques shapes colors marking (Incused design) used in the productionof buttons in the England United States of America Laska Italy france Denmark Japan and India are categolizzed as : natural raw materials and syntetical resines. 1) Of the natural raw materials used are : Matal Enamel Iodine Agate, Coral, Green jade(Jasper) Granite, Wood, Ivory, Horn and bone etc. 2) The sythetical resin used in the button in-dustries are : Artificial jewell glass Acrylic material Styroform Celluloid and Nylon etc. 2. The thecnique quoted in producing buttons are hand craft work inlay work precision casting press mosic dye etching, processing, engraving and embossed carving etc. 3. The major designs used in the buttons in -dustries are : Round shape however elliptical column angular and edge shape often used. 4. The colors used are : The multi-colors were highly used than mono-colored materials such as : Adjoining Color and Contrast Color. The highest consideration to be considered in choosing the colors for the buttons are harmonization and matching factor with the garment or dresses to be wore. 5. The major design(incused design) on the buttons are embodiment and the design were also used in order of abstractive-combination abstractive with has offers much surprising. The button industries during the 19th and 20th centuries were not only the determination factors those can judge the value of self-pride of Nation and which were far beyond the in-dustrial arts in those days but also highly refelected and influenced by cultural sense ideology and self-pride of the Nation of those period. The followings are details of the role of the buttons categolized in the order of functional ornamental and symbolical aspects : 1. The functional role : The functional role of the buttons were simply designed for dress how-ever the buttons beyond from this role of function now a days. 2. The ornamental role : The ornamental role of he button beyond from this role of the button were effectuated by : 1) shape materials colors 2) technique locations size and design (incused design) 3) The ramaterials used for buttons shall not be over looked because it is highly depends on the taste sense and combination of harmony with the garment to be wore. 4) The color of the buttons are made well contrasted with the color of garments just as in the case of other artistical area such as matchs with the color of garment of contrast with brigtness of colors contrasted as complementary color and so and so. 5) The technique being adoped are: precision casting press handcraft inlay work etching mosic etc,. Since the buttons are no longer a simple catching devise used to fasten together the different part of the dress but now it has formed own and occupied the independent role in the garment or dresses location can be de-termined and varying depending on the ideas of designers. The size of the buttons has no specific limits, However the variation has widely dependined on the entire circumperence rhythm contrast harmonization of the garments. 3. The symbolical role : Since the button is no longer a just a simple devise for catching and fastening device used fastening together the different part of the garments but now were built a independent area as major part of the Garment and well reflected all kinds of occupations political background cultural as-pect etc. on the buttons. The design of buttons in the western circles are more simplified but they are polished looks and their techniques of manufacturing are comination of both machanis and handcraft. The colors used in the buttons are pretty well harmonized with garment(dress). Almost all kind of materials can be used in the but-tons however materials used in the buttons are : Bone of livestocks ivory, turtle shell are no longer used because the prevention of cruely of animal. On the contraly the level of buttons indus-try of Korea is far to reach and catch up with the level of western circles. It is highly suggested therefore the but-tons industrial field of Republic of Korea shall place and encouragement in producing beter industrial environment of the buttons based on the traditional and cultural aspect of republic of Korea to produce both manufacturing of qulified and best designed and colored buttons.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.172-195
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• 2019

Among the paintings of Goam Lee Ungno (1904-1989), his works of the 1960s in Paris have been evaluated as his most avant-garde works of experimenting with and innovating objects as an artist. At that time, his works, such as Papier Colle and Abstract Letter, were influenced by abstract expressionism and Western Art Informel, illustrating his transformation from a traditional artist into a contemporary artist. An exhibition, which was held prior to his going to Paris in March 1958, has received attention because it exhibited the painting style of his early Informel art. Taking this into consideration, this study was conducted by interpreting his work from two perspectives; first, that his works of 1958 were influenced by abstract expressionism and Art Informel, and, second, that he expressed Xieyi (寫意) as literati painting, focusing on the fact that Lee Ungno first started his career adopting this style. In this paper, I aimed to confirm Lee Ungno's recognition of Art Informel and abstract painting, which can be called abstract expressionism. To achieve this, it was necessary to study Lee's painting theory at that time, so I first considered Hae-gang Kim Gyu-jin whom Lee Ungno began studying painting under, and his paintings during his time in Japan. It was confirmed that in order to escape from stereotypical paintings, deep contemplation of nature while painting was his first important principle. This principle, also known as Xieyi (寫意), lasted until the 1950s. In addition, it is highly probable that he understood the dictionary definition of abstract painting, i.e., the meaning of extracting shapes from nature according to the ideas which became important to him after studying in Japan, rather than the theory of abstract painting realized in Western paintings. Lee Ungno himself also stated that the shape of nature was the basis of abstract painting. In other words, abstractive painting and abstract painting are different concepts and based on this, it is necessary to analyze the paintings of Lee Ungno. Finally, I questioned the view that Lee Ungno's abstract paintings of the 1950s were painted as representative of the Xieyi (寫意) mind of literary art painting. Linking traditional literary art painting theory directly to Lee Ungno, who had been active in other worlds in space and time, may minimize Lee Ungno's individuality and make the distinction between traditional paintings and contemporary paintings obscure. Lee Ungno emphasized Xieyi (寫意) in his paintings; however, this might have been an emphasis signifying a great proposition. This is actually because his works produced in the 1950s, such as Self-Portrait (1956), featured painting styles with boldly distorted forms achieved by strong ink brushwork, a style which Lee Ungno defined as 'North Painting.' This is based on the view that it is necessary to distinguish between Xieyi (寫意) and 'the way of Xieyi (寫意) painting' as an important aspect of literary art painting. Therefore, his paintings need a new interpretation in consideration of the viewpoint that he represented abstract paintings according to his own Xieyi (寫意) way, rather than the view that his paintings were representations of Xieyi (寫意), or rather a succession of traditional paintings in the literary artist's style.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.155-180
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• 2019

Samsaebulhoedo(三世佛會圖) at Yongjusa Temple(龍珠寺), regarded as a monumental masterpiece consisting of different elements such as Confucian and Buddhist ideas, palace academy garden and Buddhist artist styles, unique traditional and western painting styles, is one of the representative works that symbolically illustrate the development and innovation of painting in the late Joseon dynasty. However, the absence of painting inscriptions raised persistent controversy over the past half century among researchers as to the matters of estimating its production period, identifying the original author and analyzing style characteristics. In the end, the work failed to gain recognitions commensurate with its historical significance and value. It is the particularly vital issue in that estimating the production period of the existing masterpiece is the beginning of all other discussions. However, this issue has caused the ensuing debates since all details are difficult to be interpreted to a concise form due to a number of different records on painters and mixture of traditional buddhist painting styles used by buddhist painters and innovative western styles used by ordinary painters. Contrary to other ordinary Buddhist paintings, this painting, Samsaebulhoedo, has a praying letter for the royal establishment at the center of the main altar. It should be noted that regarding this painting, its original version-His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince主上殿下, 王妃殿下, 世子邸下-was erased and instead added Her Love Majesty慈宮邸下 in front of Her Majesty. This praying letter can be assumed as one of the significant and objective evidence for estimating its production period. The new argument of the late 19th century production focused on this praying letter, and proposed that King Sunjo was then the first-born son when Yongjusa Temple was built in 1790 and it was not until January 1, 1800 that he was ascended to the Crown Prince. In this light, the existing praying letter with the eulogistic title-Crown Prince世子-should be considered revised after his ascension to the throne. Styles and icons bore some resemblance to Samsaebulhoedo at Cheongryongsa Temple or Bongeunsa Temple portrayed by Buddhist painters in the late 19th century. Therefore, the remaining Samsaebulhoedo should be depicted by them in the same period as western styles were introduced in Buddhist painting in later days. Following extensive investigations, praying letters in Buddhist paintings in the late 19th century show that it was usual to record specification such as class, birth date and family name of people during the dynasty at the point of producing Buddhist paintings. It is easy to find that those who passed away decades ago cannot be revised to use eulogistic titles as seen by the praying letters in Samsaebulhoedo at Yongju Temple. As "His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince" was generally used around 1790 regardless of the presence of first-born son or Crown Prince, it was rather natural to write the eulogistic title "His Royal Crown Prince" in the praying letter of Samsaebulhoedo. Contrary to ordinary royal hierarchy, Her Love Majesty was placed in front of Her Majesty. Based on this, the praying letter was assumed to be revised since King Jeongjo placed royal status of Hyegyeonggung before the Queen, which was an exceptional case during King Jeongjo's reign, due to unusual relationships among King Jeongjo, Hyegyeonggung and the Queen arising from the death of Crown Prince(思悼世子). At that time, there was a special case of originally writing a formal tripod praying letter, as can be seen from ordinary praying letter in Buddhist paintings, erasing it and adding a special eulogistic title: Her Love Majesty. This indicates that King Jeongjo identified that Hyegyeonggung was erased, and commanded to add it; nevertheless, ceremony leaders of Yongju Temple, built as a palace for holding ceremonies of Hyeonryungwon(顯隆園) are Jeongjo, the son of his father and his wife Hyegyeonggung (Her Love Majesty)(惠慶宮(慈宮)). This revision is believed to be ordered by King Jeongjo on January 17, 1791 when the King paid his first visit to the Hyeonryungwon since the establishment of Hyeonryungwon and Yongju Temple, stopped by Yongju Temple on his way to palace and saw Samsaebulhoedo for the first and last time. As shown above, this letter consisting of special contents and forms can be seen an obvious, objective testament to the original of Samsebulhoedo painted in 1790 when Yongju Temple was built.

• Research in Community and Public Health Nursing
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.502-517
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• 1998

This research intends to survey family environment, health behavior and health status of the students in urban-rural elementary schools and analyze those factors comparatively, and use the result as basic material for school health teacher to teach health education in connection with family and regional areas. It also intends to improve a pupil's self-abilitiy in health care. The subjects involve 2,774 students of urban elementary schools and 583 student in rural ones, who were selected by means of a multi -stage probability sampling. Using the questionnaire and school documents, we collected data on family environment, health behavior and health status for 19 days. Feb. 2nd 1998 through Feb. 20th 1998. The R -form of Family Environment Scale (Moos, 1974) was used in the analysis of family environment(Cronbach's Alpha =0.80). Questionnaires of Health Behavior in School-aged children used by the WHO in Europe(Aaro et al., 1986) and the ones developed by the Health Promotion Committee of the Western Pacific(WHO, 1995)(adapted by long Young-suk and Moon Young-hee(1996)) were used in the analysis of health behavior, as well documents on absences due to sickness, school health room-visits, levels of physical strength, height, weight and degree of obesity were used to determine health status. In next step, We used them with an $X^2$-test, t-test, Odds Ratio, and a 95% Confidence Interval. 1. In two dimensions of three, family-relationship (t=3.41, p=0.001) and system -maintenances(t= 2.41, p=0.0l6) the mean score of urban children were significantly higher than those of rural ones. In the personal development dimension however, there was little significant difference. Assorting family environment into 10 sub-fields and analyzing them, we recognized that urban children were superior to rural children in the sub-fields of expressiveness (t =3.47, p=0.001), conflict (t=0.48, p=0.001), active-recreational orientation (t = 1.97, p=0.049) and organization (t=4.33, p=0.000). 2. Referring to the Odds Ratios of urban-rural children's health behaviors, urban children set up more desirable behavior than rural children wear ing safety belts (Odds Ratio =0.32, p=0.000), washing hands after meals(Odds Ratio = 0.43, p= 0.000), washing hands after excreting (Odds Ratio = 0.39, p=O.OOO), washing hands after coming - home ( Odds Ratio = 0.75, p = 0.003), brushing teeth before sleeping(Odds Ratio =0.45, p=0.000), brushing teeth more than once a day (Odds Ratio =0.73, p=0.0l2), drinking boiled water (Odds Ratio = 0.49, p=0.000), collecting garbage at home(Odds Ratio=0.31, p=0.000) and in the school(Odds Ratio =0. 67, p=0.000). All these led to significant differences. As to taking milk(Odds Ratio = 1.50, p=0.000), taking care of eyesight(Odds Ratio=1.41, p=0.001) and getting physical exercise in(Odds Ratio = 1.33, p=0.0l9) and outside the school(Odds Ratio = 1.32, p=0.005), rural children had more desirable behavior which also revealed a significant difference. There was little significant difference in smoking, but the smoking rate of rural children(5.5%) was larger than that of urban children(3.9%). 3. Health status was analyzed in terms of absences, school health room-visits, levels of physical strength, and the degree of obesity, height and weight. Considering Odds Ratios of the health status of urban-rural children, the health status of rural children was significantly better than that of the urban ones in the level of physical strength(t=1.51, p=0.000) and the degree of obesity(t=1.84, p=0.000). The mean height of urban children ($150.4{\pm}7.5cm$) is taller than that of their counterparts($149.5{\pm}7.9$), which revealed a significant difference (t =2.47, p=0.0l4). The mean weight of urban children($42.9{\pm}8.6kg$) is larger than that of their counterparts($41.8{\pm}9.0kg$), which was also a significant difference(t=2.81, p=0.005). Considering the results above, we can recognize that there are significant differences in family environment, health behavior, and health status in urban-rural children. These results also suggestion ideas for health education. What we would suggest for the health program of elementary schools is that school health teachers should play an active role in promoting the need and importance of health education, develop the appropriate programs which correspond to the regional characteristics, and incorporate them into schools to improve children's ability to manage their own health management.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.4
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• pp.123-144
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• 2006

Foreigners who arrived in Korea after the age of enlightenment were Japanese, Chinese and 'Westerners' who were Europeans and Americans. The westerners were diplomats who visited Korea for colonization or for increasing their economical profits by trading after the spread of imperialism, and tourists curious of back countries, artists, explores and missionaries to perform their roles for their religious beliefs. They contacted with Korean cultural and educational people as missionaries and instructors during Japanese colonial period. In 1945, the allied forces occupied Korea under the name of takeover of Japanese colony after Japan's surrender and the relation between foreigners and Korean cultured men enter upon a new phase. For 3 years, American soldiers enforced lots of systems in Korea and many pro-American people were educated. This relationship lasted even after the establishment of the government of Korean Republic and especially, diplomats called as pro-Korean group came again after Korean War. Among them, there were lots of foreigners interested in cultures and arts. In particular, government officials under American Forces who were influential on political circles or diplomats widened their insights toward Korean cultural assets and collected them a lot. Those who were in Korea from the period of independence to 1950s wrote their impressions about Korean cultural assets on newspapers or journals after visiting contemporary Korean exhibitions. Among them, A. J. McTaggart, Richard Hertz and the Hendersons were dominant. They thought the artists had great interests in compromising and uniting the Orient and the West based on their knowledge of Korean cultural assets and they advised. However, it was different from Korean artist's point of view that the foreigners thought Korean art adhered oriental features and contained western contents. From foreigners' point of view, it is hard to understand the attitude Korean artists chose to keep their self-respect through experiencing the Korean war. It is difficult to distinguish their thought about Korean art based on their exotic taste from the Korean artists' local and peninsular features under Japanese imperialism. We can see their thought about Korean art and their viewpoint toward the third world, after staying in Korea for a short period and being a member of the first world. The basic thing was that they could see the potentialities through the worldwide, beautiful Korean cultural assets and they thought it was important to start with traditions. It is an evidence showing Korean artists' pride in regard to the art culture through experiencing the infringement of their country. By writing about illuminating Korean art from the third party's view, foreigners represented their thoughts through it that their economical, military superiority goes with their cultural superiority. The Korean artist's thought of emphasizing Korean history and traditions, reexamining and using it as an original creation may have been inspired by westerners' writings. 'The establishment of national art' that Korean artists gave emphasis then, didn't only affect one of the reactions toward external impact, 'the adhesion of tradition'. In the process of introducing Korean contemporary art and national treasure in America, different view caused by role differences-foreigner as selector and Korean as assistant-showed the fact evidently that the standard of beauty differed between them. By emphasizing that the basis to classify Korean cultural assets is different from the neighborhood China and Japan, they tried to reflect their understanding that the feature of Korean art is on speciality other than universality. And this make us understand that even when Korean artists profess modernism, they stress that the roots are on Korean and oriental tradition. It was obviously a different thought from foreigners' view on Korean art that Korean artists' conception of modernism and traditional roots are inherent in Korean history. In 1950s, after the independence, Korea had different ideas from foreigners that abstract was to be learned from the west. Korea was enduring tough times with their artists' self-respect which made them think that they can learn the method, but the spirit of abstract is in the orient.

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.71-83
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• 1996

Hyang-Yack-Ku-Keup-Bang(鄕藥救急方) is our own, medical work written about the middle of the time of Korea Dynasty. I restored and researched this book because it needed to be illuminated about its medico-historic value and then I came to some conclusions as follows. 1. Hyang-Yack-Ku-Keup-Bang was published in Dae-jang-do-kam(大藏都監) of Kanghaw island(江華島) about the middle of Korea Dynasty. Choi Ja-ha(崔自河) republished it on original publication ground in Euiheung(義興) of Kyungsang-Province(慶尙道) in July, Taejong's(太宗) 17th year of Chosen Dynasty (A.D.1417) and this book was published again in Chungcheng Province(忠淸道) in Sejong's(世宗) 9th year(A.D.1427). The book published in Taejong's days was in the possession of books department of Kung-nae-cheng(宮內廳) in Japan and was the oldest medical book of existing ones. 2. Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu(方中鄕藥目草部) of this book was originally intended to be adjusted in each division with the title of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock(方中鄕藥目). But Herb part(草部) only followed editing progress of Jeung-Lew-Bon-Cho(證類本草), the rest is not divided into each part and is together arranged at the below of Herb part with the title of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu. The Korean inscriptions on some drugstuffs in this book are different between Native Name(鄕名) of three volumes of provisions and general-spoken(俗云) of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu. In this, it is estimated that the publishing time and editor of tile volume of provisions and Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu are different. I think Choi Ja-ha compiled this behind three volumes of provisions when he published. 3. This book picked some prescriptions which consisted of obtainable drugs with ease in Korea in the books of Chell-Keum-Yo-Bang(千金要方), Oi-Dae-Bi-Yo(外臺秘要), Tae-Peong-Sung-Hye-Bang(太平聖惠方), Ju-Hu-Bang(?後方), Kyung-Hum-Yang- Bang(經驗良方) Bo-Je-Bon-Sa-Bang(普濟本事方) Bi-Ye-Baik-Yo-Bang(備預百要方) and so on and got together our own prescriptions. On the whole Bi-Ye-Baik-Yo-Bang was a chief referrence book, On this, other books referred to and corrected. 4. In provisions quoted from Hyang-Yack-Jip-Sung-Bang(鄕藥集成方), there are seven provisions; leg-paralysis part, coughing part, headache part, obstetrics part, etc. don't show in this book. This is why Choi Ja-ha published only certain texts on Dae-jang-do-kam edition his own posession. So we can think the existing edition has a little misses compared with original edition. 5. This book recorded only names of drugstuffs in animal drug department like fowls, crab, goldbug, earthworm, etc. and didn't tell us ways of taking those. This is effect of Buddhist culture on medicine. This is efforts to practice 'Don't murder';one of Five Prohibition of Buddhism. 6. Beacause this book was published at the time, when our originative medicine would be set forth. This followed the Chinese ways in Theory, Treatment, Prescription and used 'Hyang Yack' in Medication out of theory of Korean medicine, which was a transitional form. So this is all important material which tell us aspects of development of 'Hyang Yack' the middle of Korea Dynasty.and this is also the beginning of originative, medical works like Dong-Eui-Bo-Kam(東醫寶鑑), Dong-Eui-Su-Bo-Won(東醫壽世保元). 7. There are few contents based on 'Byen-Jeung-Lon-Chi(辨證論治)'in this book. So we can see this book is not for doctors who study medical thoughts but for general public who suffer from diseases resulted from war. Because this book was written for a first-aid treatmeant, this is an index of medical service for the people those days. And this is also an useful datum for first-aid medicine or military medicine in these modern days. 8. Nowadays, parts of learned world of Korean medicine disregard essential theories and want to explain Korean medicine only by the theories or the methods of Western medicine. Moreover they don't adopt Chinese and Japanese theorys & thoughts about Oriental medicine in our own style and just view in there level. What was worse, there is a growing tendency for them to indulge in a trimming policy of scholarship and to take others' ideas. I think these trends to ignore our own medical thoughts involving growth of 'Hyang Yack' in the middle of Korea Dynasty, Dong-Eui-Bo-Kam and Dong-Eui-Su-Se-Bo-Won. So we, as researchers of Korean medicine, must get out of this tendency, and take over brilliant tradition and try to develop originative Korean medicine.