• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.9 no.8
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• pp.89-97
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• 2022

The e-commerce market faces significant credit risks due to the complexity of the industry and information asymmetries. Therefore, credit risk has started to stymie the growth of e-commerce. However, there is no reliable system for evaluating the creditworthiness of e-commerce companies. Therefore, this paper constructs a credit risk evaluation index system that comprehensively considers the online and offline behavior of online retail enterprises, including 15 indicators that reflect online credit risk and 15 indicators that reflect offline credit risk. This paper establishes an integration method based on a fuzzy integral support vector machine, which takes the factor analysis results of the credit risk evaluation index system of online retail enterprises as the input and the credit risk evaluation results of online retail enterprises as the output. The classification results of each sub-classifier and the importance of each sub-classifier decision to the final decision have been taken into account in this method. Select the sample data of 1500 online retail loan customers from a bank to test the model. The empirical results demonstrate that the proposed method outperforms a single SVM and traditional SVMs aggregation technique via majority voting in terms of classification accuracy, which provides a basis for banks to establish a reliable evaluation system.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.145-156
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• 2011

The study is to analyze voting behaviors revealed through the June 2 local elections, and to learn their implications by exploring and comparing the main factors that influence how to recognize and select a candidate. To achieve this, in-depth interviews have been conducted focusing on those who voted in the last election. The analysis shows that most respondents regard their political tendencies as moderate and make decisions on whom to vote for 2 to 3 days prior to election. It also indicates that what party candidates belong to is the highest motivation in deciding for whom to vote and they generally vote as they believe. According to the study, not only do the poll's results hardly affect their choice of candidates, but also the polls turn out significantly different from the actual results. The great gap between the polls and the actual outcome signifies that how to conduct a poll is wrong and people intend to conceal their opinions. While the media has had a decisive effect on the image of candidates, it is through promotional materials for political campaigns that the candidates' policy is recognized. The study also says that the Four-River is the most influential political issue in election. The study identifies voters' behavior specifically and in depth, and suggests some lessons to make use of for the future elections.

• Korean System Dynamics Review
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.47-66
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• 2011

South Korea has achieved remarkable social and economic development together with the process of democratization over the past 20 years. In the democratic process in South Korea, ordinary people have actively participated in conventional political activities such as elections. But recently, one of the salient phenomena is that the public have been showing political apathy associated with a light poll. Especially, the most serious concern in the political environment of South Korea is that young voters (e.g., 20-30s) have serious political apathy leading to low voter turnout. Regarding this concern, many political scientists argued that this political phenomenon is not only the case in South Korea, insisting that many consolidated democratic countries such as European countries and the US have the same problems. However, South Korea has contained different factors (e.g., historical, culture, social, and political differences) leading to political apathy and light poll. Unfortunately, no one has clearly explain the phenomenon. In fact, in order for scholars to understand and explain these concerns, they should carefully look at the phenomenon with diverse perspectives and approaches. The main purpose of this paper is to explain why the digital generation has political apathy and are reluctant to participate in political activities such as voting. Using causal loop analysis which is based on systematic thinking, we not only analyzed the pattern of the digital generation' political participation with regard to diverse perspectives, but also attempted to draw new political implications from the analysis. Based on our analysis, we tried to suggest some implications for political stability and development in South Korea in the future.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.3-19
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• 2013

Studies on the SNS political participation have covered issues of SNS effect on political participation, electoral campaigns, and the public sphere. Such issues as characteristics of SNS political participation, the characteristics of SNS users, SNS effect on the political participation, active SNS political participants, and the impact on young people's political participation, etc. have been studied in the area of political participation effect. On the election issues, SNS impact on election turnout, voting behavior, and the election results were main research topics. Finally, the research on the public sphere mainly discussed topics of quality of SNS information and social fragmentation phenomenon. What is commonly observed across all the three subjects is that the conflicting claims appear to almost all the topics. These contradictory findings are likely to occur because variables of real politics are not fully taken into account and research variables are not strictly manipulated. We can get more accurate research results in the study of SNS political participation when we conduct cross-national research reflecting the context of real politics and also designing independent variables more in detail and elaborately.

• Trans-
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• v.11
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• pp.1-35
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• 2021

This study looks to explore situations in which the authenticity of reality audition programs is inherently distorted by subjective intervention through a theoretical model of existentialism and case study of how it was practiced in an actual program. In detail, we examine the impact on the essence of human subjective intervention and the behavior by free will and use Sartre's existentialism a theoretical model and a Korean audition program series as the case for the study. We believe that the producers intended to narrow the audiences choices by creating a favorable environments for certain participants (trainees as they were called) to be recognized and liked by the voting audiences. We look to "subjectivity," the first principle of existentialism, people determine their essence through free will, and all actions in the production process are aimed at achieving that goal, which keeps the position balance of final debut group by creating the character image and personality through character making, storytelling and increasing or decrease the assigned air-time of each individuals.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.103-132
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to observe whether intergenerational differences exist in support among major Korean political parties and, if so, how they exist, based on the results of the survey conducted nationwide. To achieve the purpose of the study, a questionnaire was prepared based on conjoint analysis, and the collected data was analyzed by applying a random parameter logit model. The main results of model analysis are summarized as follows. First, among the policy variables, statistically significant results were observed in the generation of 20s and 30s for the education variable. It was found that both 20s and 30s aimed for equal education at a higher level than other generations. Especially, the highest intensity aim for equal education culture was observed in the 20s. Second, the coefficients of major political parties were observed with a high level of statistical significance. This appears to be a result suggesting that voters decide on their voting behavior through thorough policy comparisons in addition to comprehensive consideration on various current issues. Third, a clear support for conservative parties was observed in the generation of 20s. A clear and intense distribution of preference for political parties classified as conservatives was observed in the 20s generation, which can be said to be mainly college students. This seems to be a profound founding related to the issue of "conservatization of the 20s," which has recently become a hot topic in Korean society. Fourth, a high level of support for progressive parties was observed in the 30s and 40s. The Justice Party can be classified as a minority party in the National Assembly House as of January 2019. Nevertheless, it was maintained at a relatively high level in national recognition, and it is presumed that the background was high level of support from the 30s and 40s. Fifth, a large level of standard deviation was observed in the preference for conservative parties in the 50s. This means that some respondents who are in their 50s or older strongly support the Liberty Korea Party, and some respondents in the same generation strongly disapprove it. Due to this countervailing power, it seems that the average support level for the Liberal Korean Party is low in the generations of 50s and older.?

• Design Convergence Study
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.91-108
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• 2018

Rather the ballot paper design could influence voting behavior, there is less study upon the designing ballot paper and the importance of information design. This study examines the possibility of error occurring in the ballot paper design under the rules of Public Official Election Act. To do this, we conducted a heuristic evaluation method to review regulations, and an empirical experiment with closed groups. From this, we found that (1) diverse cases of ballot paper can be produced, and (2) various fonts, sizes, and materials can be used. Accordingly, it is inevitable to deliver regulations on (1) the usage of chromaticity and image, (2) the applying universal designed-typography, and (3) the margin for the spacing between ballot boxes. This study, at the end, suggests institutional measures for securing the validity and legitimacy on the decision-making process to remove latent ambiguity in ballot paper designing.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.155-188
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• 2021

This study examines dynamics in election news making. It is important to understand when and how news media produce election news in order to grasp news making and voting behavior. The news media sometimes make election news by focusing on issues and policies. Often they frame elections as a game and focus on election strategies while covering elections. This article argues that as time goes by during the election period, the number of policy news tends to decrease while the frequency of strategic news is likely to increase. Also, TV's and newspapers show distinctive patterns of election news making. In order to examine the arguments, this study categorizes election news stories into policy and strategic news stories produced during the 2020 Korean congressional elections and constructs daily time-series data of them. The results of structural break and regression analyses partially support the arguments.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.35-68
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• 2021

In the German federal election in 2021, the Social Democrats returned to power by a narrow margin and the Green Party emerged as the biggest winner. The two political parties took the lead by proposing policies that met the expectations of the people in the policies of climate and environment, pandemic response and health, and labor and social security. The Merkel effect did not play a significant role in the election, and it is highly likely that it will lead to government policy after the formation of a coalition. While the class cleavage in voting behavior has weakened, the generational cleavage has grown relatively large. Older people showed more support for the two major parties, while younger people showed higher support for the Green Party and the FDP. If the generational cleavage continues, it can be linked to the growth of the Green Party and the FDP, the continued weakening of the two major parties and the emergence of other new parties. In addition, the regional cleavage between the former East and West Germany still remain, which will affect the direction of the AfD and the Left and combine with other political cleavages. The 2021 German federal election can be said to be an election that heralds the realignment of the political party system.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.135-170
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• 2018

The recent success of populist parties and candidates in the US and European countries leads to a massive amount of empirical research on populism, a deviant form of representative democracy. Much ink has been spilled to define populism and to identify the causes of its rise and continued success in democratic political system. However, little is known about populist attitudes of individual voters. Using a large-scale online survey fielded in the context of the South Korean presidential election in 2017, this study examines (1) what determines populist attitudes of South Korean voters and (2) how populist attitudes are associated with evaluations of political parties, candidates, and political issues. Statistical analysis reveals that people high on populism are more likely to support an underdog left-wing political party and its presidential candidate, and are less likely to support policies implemented or proposed under the auspices of the Park Geun-hye administration. These findings do not necessarily suggest the inherent affinity between populism and left-wing ideology; rather, it implies populist attitudes happened to appear in 2017, in reactions to lack of confidence in the previous government.