• Journal of Advanced Information Technology and Convergence
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.89-102
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• 2019

Collagen can be used in building artificial skin replacements for treatment of burns and towards the reconstruction of bone as well as researching cell behavior and cellular interaction. The strength of collagen in connective tissue rests on the characteristics of collagen fibers. 3D confocal imaging of collagen fibers enables the characterization of their spatial distribution as related to their function. However, the image stacks acquired with confocal laser-scanning microscope does not clearly show the collagen architecture in 3D. Therefore, we developed a new method to reconstruct, visualize and characterize collagen fibers from fluorescence confocal images. First, we exploit the tensor voting framework to extract sparse reliable information about collagen structure in a 3D image and therefore denoise and filter the acquired image stack. We then propose to segment the collagen fibers by defining an energy term based on the Hessian matrix. This energy term is minimized by a min cut-max flow algorithm that allows adaptive regularization. We demonstrate the efficacy of our methods by visualizing reconstructed collagen from specific 3D image stack.

• Proceedings of the KIEE Conference
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• 2002.11c
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• pp.163-168
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• 2002

The voting algorithm for action selection performs self-improvement by Reinforcement learning algorithm in the dynamic environment. The proposed voting algorithm improves the navigation of the robot by adapting the eligibility of the behaviors and determining the Command Set Generator (CGS). The Navigator that using a proposed voting algorithm corresponds to the CGS for giving the weight values and taking the reward values. It is necessary to decide which Command Set control the mobile robot at given time and to select among the candidate actions. The Command Set was learnt online by means as Q-learning. Action Selector compares Q-values of Navigator with Heterogeneous behaviors. Finally, real-world experimentation was carried out. Results show the good performance for the selection on command set as well as the convergence of Q-value.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.106-109
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• 2016

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.67-104
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• 2020

Fake news and disinformation provoked heated arguments during Taiwan's 2018 local election. Most significantly, concerns grew that Beijing was attempting to sway the island's politics armed with a new "Russian-style influence campaign" weapon (Horton, 2018). To investigate the speculated effects of the "onslaught of misinformation," an online survey with 1068 randomly selected voters was conducted immediately after the election. Findings confirmed that false news affected Taiwanese voters' judgment of the news and their voting decisions. More than 50% of the voters cast their votes without knowing the correct campaign news. In particular, politically neutral voters, who were the least able to discern fake news, tended to vote for the China-friendly Kuomintang (KMT) candidates. Demographic analysis further revealed that female voters tended to be more likely to believe fake news during the election period compared to male voters. Younger or lower-income voters had the lowest levels of discernment of fake news. Further analyses and the implications of these findings for international societies are deliberated in the conclusion.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.67-88
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• 2009

This study aims at examining what factors have an effect on congressional voting behaviors. In particular, the study closely investigates the Whole Reform Bill on the Law of Local Educational Self-Governing because the bill attracts a lot of attentions. Above all, the bill contains direct election of superintendents of educational affairs and members of a board of education. Likewise, the education committee is converted into a standing committee of the local assembly due to the passage of the bill. The reason the study mainly focuses on the bill is because in general, bills on the floor are approved with significant high in favor; however, the bill was passed with opposition. The study examines factors having an influence on legislators' voting decision. Statistical results show that the ruling party played a significant role in passing the bill. Also, the results exhibit that legislators with high careers and proportional members were in favor of the bill compared with other legislators. Although the study examined only particular bill passed by the National Assembly, it gave an opportunity to look at voting behaviors of legislators. Hopefully, the study contributes to the understanding of congressional voting behaviors.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.60
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• pp.28-51
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• 2012

This study explored the influence of media use on the audiences' intention to vote as well as their political cynicism in 2012 General elections. I offered three research questions: Research Question 1: What is the impact of media use on the political cynicism? Research Question 2: What are the impact of political intersest, political knowledge, media malaise, political efficacy on the political cynicism? Research Question 3: What is the impact of political cynicism on vote behavior? This study analysed survey data. Based on the results of hierarchial regression analysis and path analysis(AMOS), Internet news use was found to have a significant impact on the political cynicism. But the use of newspaper, TV news were not related to political cynicism. The political efficacy decreased political cynicism effectively, The findings from this study indicate that the relationship between media use and political cynicism is contingent on many factors and that cynicism has a negligible impact on citizen participation. This study also found that persons higher in efficacy were less cynical than low in efficacy. This suggest that cynicism is not always bad thing, that it may in fact be an indication of "an interested and critical citizenry". In conclusion this study showed that we need more in-depth analyses on the relationships among attention to media use, political cynicism and voting behavior to activate political participation.

• The Korean Journal of Applied Statistics
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• v.27 no.4
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• pp.523-541
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• 2014

We apply a Bayesian estimation procedure to the analysis of roll call voting records on 2,389 bills processed during the 18th Korean National Assembly. The analysis of roll calls yields useful tools for to combining the measurement of legislative preference with the models of legislative behavior. The current Bayesian procedure is extremely exible, applicable to any legislative setting, irrespective of the extremism of the legislator's voting history or the number of roll calls available for analysis. It can be applied to any legislative settings, providing a useful solution to many statistical problems inherent in the analysis of roll call voting records. We rst estimate the ideal points of all members of the 18th National Assembly and their condence intervals. Subsequently, using the estimated ideal points, we examine the factional disparity within each major party using the estimated ideal points. Our results clearly suggest that there exists a meaningful ideological spectrum within each party. We also show how the Bayesian procedure can easily be extended to accommodate theoretically interesting theoretical models of legislative behavior. More specically, we demonstrate how the estimated posterior probabilities can be used for identifying pivotal legislators.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.381-395
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• 2007

After the democratization process since 1988, the national scale voting behavior in congressional elections has changed from a rural-government party and urban-opposite party connection to a political regionalism oriented pattern. In this context, the case study with provincial border regions aims to investigate possible party identification change of the region, and to find a relationship between polling score ratio and socio-political characteristics of the candidates. As a result, Yeongdong shows a strong negation to the presumed Chungcheong local party and shows a continuous party identification with the Kyungsang local party. Muju reveals a more or less weakened identification with the Jeolla local party, on the contrary, Kimcheon shows a unchanged strong identification with the Kyungsang local party. The regional neighborhood effect was verified quite partly between the subdivision districts of the border regions. With a application of linear fitting method, it is certified that voters have attached great importance to the belonging party, native place, as well as political career of the candidates as a voting criterion.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.42
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• pp.79-106
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• 2008

Based on the third-person effect hypothesis, this study conducted a nation-wide online survey to assess how Korean voters perceived the mass media's effect on the candidates' image and voting behavior during the 17th presidential election. The research results showed that the voters tended to perceive that the mass media such as newspaper, television and the Internet had a greater effect on others than on themselves with regards to the formation of the three candidates' images. The third-person effect on the voting behavior was also revealed differently in terms of the medium according to age and political tendency of the voters. For instance, the younger and liberal voters were likely to see newspaper as having a greater influence on other voters' choice of candidate, while the older voters saw TV as having a greater effect on other voters. The conservative tendency did not affect the perception of the voters at all. Another noteworthy result was that personal characteristics of the candidates' images such as appearances and communication skills did not affect the voters' behaviors in the election process.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.5-40
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• 2021

In the 4.7 by-election in 2021, the ruling Democratic Party suffered a record devastating defeat, breaking the trend of a post-intermediate evaluation confirmed in the recent election. Why did the Democratic Party lose by a large margin unlike the recent election trend? In order to find answers to these questions, this study analyzes the voting behavior of individual voters based on the voter consciousness survey data conducted after the 4.7 by-election, while examining the background and causes of such voter choices. As a result of the study, in the 4.7 by-election, as confirmed in previous studies, public opinion against the ruling government was strong, and negative elections were held. However, if we look at the process and results of this by-election in more detail, we can see that it is different from the general by-election. In the past by-elections, the government judgement was due to the passive participation of the ruling party-oriented voters in elections with low political weight, or the active judgement psychology that was maximized in situations where the political burden was less. However, in this by-election, on the contrary, in an election with a high political weight, the active judgement psychology of the Democratic Party and non-partisan voters had an effect on strengthening the midterm evaluation character of the election. In addition, it can be seen that the gathering of conservative voters who support the opposition also had a strong influence on the reinforcement of the midterm evaluation character of the election.