• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제2권3호
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• pp.196-227
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• 2015

The premise of the intentional model of split-ticket voting is that some voters split their tickets simply because they prefer divided government and believe in constant "checks and balances." This article examines whether this premise stands firm in an emerging democracy like Taiwan. That is, by using survey data in Taiwan, we explore whether one's attitude toward divided or unified government is "real." We hypothesize that a citizen's attitude toward "checks and balances" is subject to change, and conditional on whether her preferred party is in power. Specifically, we speculate that a citizen would tend to hold the balancing perspective or favor divided government, if her preferred party is in opposition. However, if her preferred party becomes the ruling party, she would be more likely to oppose (hold) the balancing (non-balancing) perspective or favor unified government. We then utilize panel survey data embedded in Taiwan's Election and Democratization Studies (TEDS) to verify our hypothesis.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제3권2호
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• pp.1-6
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• 2004

On 27 June 2004, some one million voters went to the polls in Mongolia to elect 76 members of the Great State Hural, Mongolia's parliament. It was the fourth election held in Mongolia under the 1992 constitution. In the previous election, the former communist MPRP won a landslide, ousting the government of former democracy activists. Under the MPRP, Mongolia's economy performed extraordinary well. Surprisingly, the ruling Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP) lost its two-thirds majority and half its parliamentarians in the 2004 election. But the Motherland Democracy Coalition (MDC), a coalition of Mongolia's most influential opposition parties, fell short of achieving a majority of its own. After the election, a grand coalition government was formed, paving the way for profound legal, social, and economic reforms.

• International Journal of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.51-55
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• 2017

LINE, an instant message App with a powerful capability of transmitting various forms of data, has been overwhelmed in Asia since launched in 2011. Due to its popularity, LINE was first used in the 2016 Taiwanese presidential election. This research utilized a functional approach of campaign communication discourse and political visual images to analyze how candidates managed and presented themselves by textual and visual information on LINE. Regarding the textual information, results revealed their strategy inclined to reverse gender stereotype because the female candidate emphasized policy over character, while the male emphasized character over policy. Both candidates did not fully employ ten image functions because they utilized mostly the emotional and image building functions. The female candidate message achieved the largest total amount of 'like' and 'share'. This study probes into the App campaigning and improve the feasibility and practicability to share knowledge of political communication by new media.

• 컴퓨터교육학회논문지
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• 제8권4호
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• pp.97-105
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• 2005

본 논문에서는 이산 대수 문제에 기반 한 부인봉쇄 디지털 다중서명 기법을 제안한다. 제안한 다중서명 기업은 부인봉쇄 성질을 만족하며 메시지 변조, 서명자들에 의한 다중서명 부정과 같은 능동적 공격에 안전하다. 여러 명의 선거관리자를 두는 전자선거 기법에 적용될 수 있으며, 부인봉쇄 성질을 만족하기 때문에 투표자와 선거관리자들 간의 분쟁을 해결할 수 있다. 제안한 기법은 선거관리 센터의 역할을 분산함으로써 기존의 전자선거보다 공정하며 사용자 중심의 전자선거를 가능하게 한다.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.61-64
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• 2013

In 2008, Taiwan adopted a new mixed member system which is significantly different from the long-implemented SNTV-MMD system for the election of legislators. The new system cuts the number of legislative seats from 225 to 113, extends legislators' terms of office from three years to four, and most importantly, adopts a new mixed-member majoritarian (MMM) electoral system to replace the SNTV system for legislative elections. The election of legislators in 2008 was the first time that this new mixed electoral system was implemented in Taiwan. Mainstream literature continues to discuss the electoral impact on political parties and candidates by the new system while citizens' knowledge of the new system and its concomitant effects on citizens' behavior receive less attention. Worse still, almost all of the literature assumes that voters were fully aware of the operation and impact of the new electoral system and cast their ballots wisely. The purpose of this paper is to explore citizen's perceptions, participation and evaluation of this new system.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제3권2호
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• pp.50-57
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• 2015

An online survey was conducted to assess motivations for using, reliance on, and perceived credibility of political blogs and microblogs during both the Taiwanese general election of 2009 (the blog epoch) and the presidential elections of 2012 (the microblog epoch). Results indicated higher reliance on and motivation for using political blogs than microblogs. Blogs were also perceived to be more credible than microblogs. Respondents who primarily engaged in blogging for information purposes were more likely to judge candidate blogs as highly credible, whereas interest in entertainment emerged as the strongest predictor of the perceived credibility of microblogs. This research also provided quantitative evidence showing how users viewed blogs and microblogs differently in the context of political campaigns. The aim is to explore the pros and cons of blogging and microblogging as a tool for political communication.

• 디지털융복합연구
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.9-29
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• 2003

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the political discussion and the success conditions on the digital democracy and issues for introducing e-party of Korean parties, and to propose alternatives for solving these issues. To accomplish this purpose, this paper review actual conditions of the digital politics, analyze on results of e-party driving of Korean parties, review issues for introducing e-party of Korean parties, and propose alternatives for solving these issues. Proposed conditions on digital politics and e-party development will contribute to the prosperity of the Korean politics. In near future, an empirical study on the standpoints of voters politicians will be followed.

• International Journal of Control, Automation, and Systems
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• 제6권1호
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• pp.126-134
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• 2008

As many systems depend on electronics, concern for fault tolerance is growing rapidly. For example, a car with its steering controlled by electronics and no mechanical linkage from steering wheel to front tires (steer-by-wire) should be fault tolerant because a failure can come without any warning and its effect is devastating. In order to make system fault tolerant, there has been a body of research mainly from aerospace field. This paper presents the structure of predictive hybrid redundancy that can remove most erroneous values. In addition, several numerical simulation results are given where the predictive hybrid redundancy outperforms wellknown average and median voters.

• 대한안전경영과학회지
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• 제5권3호
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• pp.121-131
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• 2003

This study centers on how the electronic democracy which is expected to be a political system of information society may increase civic participation and develop political system. On the other hand, critics of internet voting claim that the technology required to properly authenticate voters and assure the accuracy and integrity of the election system either does not exist or is not widespread enough in society to be equitable and effective. In order to capture the potential that this new technology offers, it must be implemented correctly, upon a well-conceived framework of standards and procedures. At the same time, government must seek the advice of industry leaders as well as social activists so as to avoid the many obstacles that will undoubtedly arise.

• 패션비즈니스
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• 제8권6호
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• pp.103-112
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• 2004

A Politician Appearance Acceptance Model (PAAM model) was formed and designed based on an analysis of how the electorate would accept a female politician. The PAAM model evaluated factors which influenced the voter's view of the female politician based on appearance. Causative factors were assessed that impacted acceptance based on appearance and analyzed whether voting was influenced by the appearance image; appearance image preferences for a female politician included the classic, dramatic, romantic and natural images. Through validations, the appearance image and competency had a causative factor that contributed to the acceptance of the politician image. The Classic Image demonstrated the strongest and most important image among the appearance images. As voters were more interested in the appearance image of a female politician, more emphasis and weight was on the appearance image during the voting selection process.