• 말소리와 음성과학
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• 제15권1호
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• pp.35-45
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• 2023

일본어의 전통적인 어두 폐쇄음은 파열 전에 성대 진동을 동반하는 유성음과 파열 후에 약간의 기음을 동반하는 무성음으로 이분된다. 한편 도호쿠지방의 유성음은 어느 세대나 파열 전에 성대 진동을 동반하지 않고 무성화한 유성음으로 실현되어 다른 지역과 대조를 이룬다. 무성화한 유성음은 voice onset time(VOT)이 양값으로 나타나고 그러면 기존의 무성음의 VOT와 충돌하게 되어 카테고리 구별에 영향을 미치게 된다. 이에 대해 도호쿠지방의 화자는 생성 시에 다른 지역과는 달리 폐쇄음 구별에 후속 모음의 fundamental frequency(F0)를 적극적으로 사용하는 것이 여러 연구에 의해 확인되었다. 본 연구는 인지면에서도 F0가 폐쇄음 구별에 중요한 역할을 하고 있는지를 밝히기 위해 VOT와 함께 검토한 것이다. VOT와 F0를 재합성한 자극음을 사용하여 도호쿠지방 청자를 대상으로 조건을 달리한 여러 개의 지각실험을 실시하였다. 결과에서는 무의미어의 경우 지역차(도호쿠 지방 vs.주부 지방)는 유의하지 않았으나 유의미어에서는 어휘에 따라 F0 사용에 유의한 차이가 있었으며 이러한 차이는 F0를 적극적으로 사용하는 몇몇의 청자들에게서 기인하는 것으로 밝혀졌다. 논의에서는 이들이 혁신 청자들로 여겨지며 이들을 중심으로 폐쇄음 지각에 F0 역할이 일반화되고 지각특성으로서 F0가 확립될 가능성에 대해 추론해 보았다.

• 한국영어학회지:영어학
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.23-30
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• 2002

Phonologically, the difference between the English stops /b, d, g/ and /p, t, k/ is carried by the presence or the absence of the vocal fold vibration throughout their oral closure phase. If phonology has its foundation in phonetics, there must be phonetic evidence for the voiced-voiceless distinction. This study is aimed to determine whether or not the voiced-voiceless distinction is acceptable or proper in English. The determination was based mainly on findings in the existing literature and in informal experiments. In conclusion, there is no phonetic evidence for the voiced-voiceless distinction both in production and perception. The [voice] appears to be one of potential phonetic correlates of the phonologically voiced stop. It is improper to use the [voice] as independent phonological marker, regardless of position (word-initial, intervocalic, word-final). A feature other than the voiced-voiceless feature must distinguish /b, d, g/ from /p, t, k/.

• 말소리와 음성과학
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• 제4권3호
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• pp.31-41
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• 2012

Recent studies have shown that the stop system of Korean is undergoing a sound change in terms of the two acoustic parameters, voice onset time (VOT) and fundamental frequency (f0). Because of a VOT merger of a consonantal opposition and onset-f0 interaction, the relative importance of the two parameters has been changing in Korean where f0 is a primary cue and VOT is a secondary cue in distinguishing lax from aspirated stops in speech production as well as perception. In English, however, VOT is a primary cue and f0 is a secondary cue in contrasting voiced and voiceless stops. This study examines how Korean English learners use the two acoustic parameters of L1 in producing L2 English stops and whether the sound change of acoustic parameters in L1 affects L2 speech production. The data were collected from six adult Korean English learners. Results show that Korean English learners use not only VOT but also f0 to contrast L2 voiced and voiceless stops. However, unlike VOT variations among speakers, the magnitude effect of onset consonants on f0 in L2 English was steady and robust, indicating that f0 also plays an important role in contrasting the [voice] contrast in L2 English. The results suggest that the important role of f0 in contrasting lax and aspirated stops in L1 Korean is transferred to the contrast of voiced and voiceless stops in L2 English. The results imply that, for Korean English learners, f0 rather than VOT will play an important perceptual cue in contrasting voiced and voiceless stops in L2 English.

• 비교문화연구
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• 제39권
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• pp.381-406
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• 2015

Russian nasal consonants / m /, / n / have a feature value not only [+consonant] in common with obstruents, but also [+sonorant] in common with vowels. Nasal / m /(bi-labial) and / n /(dental) have the same place of articulation but different manner of articulation. The feature value of / m / is [+cons, +son, +nas, +ant, -cor, -high, -low, -back, -cont, -del, rel, -strid, +voic], and that of / n / is [+cons, +son, +nas, +ant, +cor, -high, -low, -back, -cont, -del, rel, -strid, + voic]. There is a difference in feature [cor] value of / m / and / n /. In this study it is confirmed that it is a fact that the Russian nasal consonants behave differently from the other consonants in each phonological phenomenon due to their phonological characteristics. The preceding voiced obstruent is changed to an unvoiced one in a process where the last voiceless obstruent in the consonant cluster ' voiced obstruent + nasal /m/ + voiceless obstruent' skips the nasal consonant and spreads its feature value to the preceding voiced obstruent transparently because of the feature [+sonorant] of the nasal consonant. The coronal nasal /n/ participates in a palatalization with the following palatal actively and palatalize preceding plain consonants passively because of markedness hierarchy such as 'Velar > Labial > Coronal'. But the labial nasal /m/ is palatalized with the following velar palatal actively and participates in a palatalization with the following coronal palatal passively. This result helps us confirm the phonological difference of /m/ and /n/ in a palatalization. When the a final consonant is nasal, the unvoicing phenomenon of a final consonant doesn't occur. In such a case as cluster 'obstruent + nasal' the feature value [voiced] of the preceding obstruent doesn't change, but the following nasal can assimilate into the preceding obstruent. When continuing the same nasals / -nn- / in a consonant cluster, the feature value [+cont] of a weak position leads the preceding nasal / n / to be changed into [-cont] / l /. Through the analysis of the frequency of occurrences of consonants in syllabic onsets and codas that should observe the 'Sonority Sequence Principle', the sonority hierarchy of nasal consonants has been confirmed. In a diachronic perspective following nasal / m /, / n / there is a loss of the preceding labial stop and dental stop. But in clusters with the velar stop+nasal, the two-component cluster has been kept phonetically intact.

• 음성과학
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• 제15권2호
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• pp.33-51
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• 2008

Difference of learner speech and loanword phonology is investigated in terms of Korean learners' speech and their loanword adaptation of English words with a post-vocalic word-final stop. When we compared the speech of 12 Korean learners in mid-intermediate level with that of eight English speakers, the learner speech did not reflect loanword phonology of the vowel insertion after a voiced word-final stop (e.g., rib$[\dotplus]$, bad$[\dotplus]$, gag$[\dotplus]$ vs. tip[=], cat[=], book[=]), but, instead, the target phonology of vowel lengthening before a voiced word-final stop (e.g., rib[r.I:b], CAD$[k{\ae}:d]$, bag$[b{\ae}:g]$ vs. rip[rI.p], cat$[k{\ae}t]$, back$[b{\ae}k])$. A longitudinal study of learner speech before and after instruction showed some development toward the acquisition of target phonology. The results indicate that learner speech departs from loanword phonology, and approaches to target speech in a faster rate than direct ratio. Thus, native phonology predicts loanword phonology, but lends little support to learner speech. Our results also indicate that loanword phonology is constant, while learner speech changes toward the acquisition of target phonology.

• 음성과학
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• 제9권4호
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• pp.175-185
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• 2002

The purpose of this study was to investigate the acoustic durations of Korean vowels followed by either voiced or voiceless consonants. Six healthy adult speakers (2 females and 4 males) recorded nonsense syllables in which voiced (/b, d, g/) or voiceless (/p', t', k', $p^{h},t^{h},k^{h}$) consonants follow three different vowels (/i, a, u/) embedded in a carrier phrase. Results showed that vowels preceding voiced consonants (e.g., haba) were significantly longer in duration than those preceding voiceless consonants (e.g., hiP' a or $hip^{h}a$). Also vowels were longer in duration when occurring before velar-stops than before bilabial-stop and dental-stops. Finally, the duration of the low vowel (/a/) was substantially longer than that of the high vowels (/i, u/). These findings may be applicable to speech synthesis or therapy.

• 대한음성학회지:말소리
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• 제39호
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• pp.15-24
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• 2000

This study aims to reexamine Korean Lenis Stop Voicing (henceforth, LSV) and to specify its phonetic conditions in phonetic terms. LSV optionally occurs within certain prosodic domains. They are called 'Malthomak'(Lee, 1996),'phonological phrase'(Kang, 1992), or 'accentual phrase'(Jun, 1993). On the basis of Jun's phrasing, this study focuses on the more specific phonetic conditions of LSV in the accentual phrase medial position, sub-classifying voicing as complete and partial. The results shows that whether the stops become completely voiced or partially voiced was determined by the various phonetic environments, such as adjacent segments and following intonational phrase boundaries. It is shown that the conditions of LSV should be described in terms of more detailed phonetic environments and that they could be used in predicting the class of voicing.

• 말소리와 음성과학
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• 제13권2호
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• pp.9-17
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• 2021

Voice onset time (VOT) is known to be a primary acoustic cue that differentiates voiced from voiceless stops in the world's languages. While much attention has been given to the sound change of Korean stops, little attention has been given to that of English stops. This study examines VOT of stop consonants as produced by English speakers in comparison to Korean speakers to see whether there is any VOT change for English stops and how the effects of stop, place, gender, and individual on VOT differ cross-linguistically. A total of 24 native speakers (11 Americans and 13 Koreans) participated in this experiment. The results showed that, for Korean, the VOT merger of lax and aspirated stops was replicated, and, for English, voiced stops became initially devoiced and voiceless stops became heavily aspirated. English voiceless stops became longer in VOT than Korean counterparts. The results suggest that, similar to Korean stops, English stops may also undergo a sound change. Since it is the first study to be revealed, more convincing evidence is necessary.

• 말소리와 음성과학
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• 제13권3호
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• pp.53-64
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• 2021

일본어의 어두 폐쇄음은 일차적으로 VOT로 구별되며 유성음은 음 값의 VOT, 무성음은 양 값의 VOT를 갖는 것으로 알려져 있다. 최근의 연구에 의하면 유성음이 양 값의 VOT를 갖는 어두 유성 폐쇄음의 무성화 현상이 전국적으로 젊은 층을 중심으로 진행되고 있는 것이 확인되었다. 또한 지역마다 정도의 차이는 있으나 어두 폐쇄음 구별에 VOT 이외에 후속 모음의 F0 차이가 유효한 것이 밝혀졌다. 본고는 산출에 쓰이는 음향 변수 VOT와 F0가 지각 변수로도 유효한지를 검토한 것이다. 4개 지역의 대학생 55명을 대상으로 자연음과 합성음을 이용한 세 가지 지각 실험을 실시한 결과는 어느 지역에서나 어두 폐쇄음의 일차적 지각 변수로 기능하는 것은 VOT이며 예상했던 F0의 사용은 극히 한정적인 것으로 나타났다. F0는 VOT가 기능하지 않을 때에 높은 F0를 무성음으로 지각하는 경우는 있으나 반대로 낮은 F0를 유성음으로 지각하는 경우는 거의 보이지 않았다. 이러한 결과는 유성/무성의 구별에 관여하는 산출의 음향 변수와 지각 변수가 일치하지 않는 것을 뜻하며, 나아가 일차적 변수인 VOT의 구별이 어려운 상황에서도 F0의 적극적인 사용 없이 일상생활에서 유성/무성의 구별에 혼란이 없는 것은 VOT와 F0 이외의 다른 요인이 관여하고 있음을 시사한다. 본고에서는 산출에서 어느 정도 관여가 인정된 모음의 음질(H1-H2)이나 음향 변수가 아닌 문맥이 관여하고 있을 가능성에 대해 논하였으나 이에 대한 검증은 앞으로의 과제로 남아 있다.

• 대한음성학회:학술대회논문집
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• 대한음성학회 2000년도 7월 학술대회지
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• pp.365-365
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• 2000

English segments adopted into Korean can be divided into three types: Some English segments /$m, {\;}n, {\;}{\eta}, {\;}p^h, {\;}t^h, {\;}k^h$/ are adopted into the original sound [$m, {\;}n, {\;}{\eta}, {\;}p^h, {\;}t^h, {\;}k^h$] in Korean. Other segments /b, d, g/ appear in the voiceless stop form [p, t, k]. Generative Phonology explains the presence of the above English segments in Korean but it cannot explain why the English segments /$f, {\;}v, {\;}{\Theta}, {\;}{\breve{z}}, {\;}{\breve{c}}, {\;}{\breve{j}}$/ disappear during the adopting process. I present a set of universal constraints from the Optimality Theory proposed by Prince and Smolensky(l993) and I show how English segments differently adopted into Korean can be explained by these universal constraints such as Faith(feature). N oAffricateStop, Faith(nasal), NoNasalStop, Faith(voice), NoVoicedStop and the interaction of these constraints. I conclude that this Optimality Theory provides insights that better capture the nature of the phonological phenomena of English segments in Korean.