A number of recent Victorian studies have participated in a renewed focus on form. E. Warwick Slinn and Monique R. Morgan, for instance, have contributed to enhancing our understanding of the Victorian dramatic monologue. This paper aims to expand what they have addressed by revisiting the mechanics of the dramatic form as a form, in particular addressing two types of dramatic monologue represented with supreme adroitness by Robert Browning and Alfred, Lord Tennyson, both of whom successfully attempted to widen our epistemology through a large act of the poetic imagination and great intellectual power. To this end, this paper lays particular attention to the role of the reader who is regarded as a key element of the dramatic aspect of the genre. In the dramatic monologue proper, real readers are actively brought into dialogic relation with the speaker or the poet, or both, whereby it seeks to represent an act of play among the poet, the speaker, and the reader. What the genre achieves in this fashion is twofold. For one thing, it pushes itself sufficiently to the very centre of the complex of apparently various narrative motives that animate the genre; for another, it honours the world of multiple viewpoints more than any other previous form of literature, all the more so as readers' views vary across their own time, space, and socio-cultural contexts. Incidentally, in one way and another, the dramatic monologue is of kinship with a Jamesian type of fiction, which is noted for its exterior impersonality. So this paper concludes by suggesting some theoretical implications that the dramatic genre assumes for, not only the naturalist novel, but also the (post-)modernist one.
Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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v.4
no.3
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pp.75-87
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2002
The nineteenth century was a watershed - the extreme point of difference in the style of fashion dress and in the roles men and women played in society. This conviction has its roots in the socioeconomic changes of the 19th century and the industrial revolution, and the new working bourgeoisie' value, fashion and taste were on the rise. The bourgeois, who was not considered as having infallible taste, was looking for its own style, while on the other hand it was competing with the nobility. Therefore bourgeois' own etiquette and taste were appeared. There was ideals which the middle classes were hungry for, and it became the basis of judging an individual. The bourgeois tried to get social approval and used fashion was the mean of it. Bourgeois women fashion has a funtion as a complete symbol of the status, wealth and leisure in a patriachal society. Not only the Bourgeois tried to control themselves and to achieve the virtue of moderation, chastity and obedience by the restrictive costume, but also extravagant and cumbersome dresses has a kind of compensative funtion against a sober and simple men's dress. There was a reformative movement to break out of the legal, economic and social restrictions within the confines of respectable Victorian Society. The process of reform was long and slow for not only did laws be changed but the barriers of prejudice in a society convinced of man s mental and physical superiority had to be overcome. But even though there were many difficulties, a small number of progressive women challenged the social recognition and role of women and decisively refused the restrictive and ostentative fashion. Victorian costume was also criticized in the medical and aesthetic aspect for their impracticality. As a result, more funtional and practical women's clothes has appeared, but it have resulted in a peculiar hybrid of traditional female attire in combination with the more uncomfortable aspects of men's clothes. However it was becoming an essential look for new women who were the equals of men and wanted to be treated as such.
This paper is intended to explore femininity the ideal beauty of body and the features in fashion pursued in the Fashion system and the Anti-Fashion Movement in the Victorian period, on which the modern fashion is based. For the informative facts needed in this paper, books on history, fashion history, feminism, art history of aestheticism and the ideal beauty of body are referred to. On the part Ⅱ of this paper, the femininity and the ideal beauty of body implied in the Aesthetic Movement and Rational Dress Movement as the anti-fashion movement in the Victorian period will be reviewed. Following are the conclusion : First, the works in Aesthetic Movement mainly include the image of sensual female. The essence of femininity is categorized by cultural value, poetic spirit. appetite for sex and self-expression. The ideal beauty of body pursued in this movement is the beauty of immatured body, which means rejection of maternity as well as appetite for sex in the form of metaphor of the power and enthusiasm of female. The features of Aesthetic Movement emphasize the image of sensual and characteristic woman. These features are expressed in the natural waist line and the vertical H silhouette of high waist, natural exposure of body by means of drapery, simplicity and decency by design without fixed forms and seemingly faded colors. Second, Rational Dress Movement attempted to evaluate the femininity in a different way and ultimately pursued masculinity. Therefore, morality, liberty, intelligence, spirituality, self-control, willingness, which had been believed to exclusively belong to male, are added to the categories of femininity. The ideal beauty of body is expressed in the form of Venus Coelestic which is refined and strong. This symbolizes woman's freeing from the fate of reproduction and subordinate relationship with male, morality, decision of one's own and willingness. The features of Rational Dress Movement represent the image of strong-willed and moral woman in its internal meaning. The features of its fashions represent the concealment of the body, emphasis on activeness in pants without decoration and simplicity in its external form. All these features resulted from the pursuit of masculinity.
How should we conceptualize regions? What is the context in which new approaches to regional study take place? What is the role of historical change in the reconceptualization of regions or areas? This article addresses this issue by using two case studies to shed light on the history of regional study by comparing some of the ways in which the Middle East and Southeast Asia have been conceptualized. Accordingly, the discussion traces the ways in which these areas were understood in the 19th century by highlighting the ideas of a number of influential Victorian thinkers. The Victorians are useful because not only did British thinkers play critical roles in the shaping of modern patterns of knowledge, but their empire was global in scope, encompassing parts of both Southeast Asia and the Middle East. However, the Victorians regarded these places quite differently: Southeast Asia was frequently described as "Further India" and the Middle East was the home of the Ottoman Empire. Both of these places were at least partly understood in relation to the needs of British policy-makers, who tended to focus most of their efforts according to the needs of India-which was their most important colonial possession. The article exhibits the connections between the "Eastern Question" and end of the Ottoman Empire (and the political developments which followed) led to the creation of the concept of "Middle East". With respect to Southeast Asia, attention will be devoted to the works of Alfred Russell Wallace, Hugh Clifford, and others to see how "further India" was understood in the 19th century. In addition, it is clear that the successful deployment of the term "Southeast Asia" reflected the political needs of policy makers in wake of decolonization and the Cold War. Finally, by showing the constructive nature of regions, the article suggests one possible new path for students of Southeast Asia. If the characterization of the region is marked by arbitrary factors, it may actually point to a useful avenue of enquiry, a hermeneutic of expedience. Emphasis on the adaptive and integrative features of lived realities in Southeast Asia may well be a step beyond both the agendas of "colonial knowledge" and anti-colonial nationalism.
The purpose of this paper is to examine the Ethnic Fashion which is influenced by the Anti-Fashion in 1960s. Anti-Fashion as Hippie style had an effect on high fashion in the 60s-70s and which was restored in the early 90s are ethnic and folk-lore style. The influence that the Anti-Fashion has had on the Ethnic Fashion is summarized as follows. At the Ethnic Fashion in 60s-70s: First Europian romantic style that is velvet doublet breecheese race cuffs ruffle flounce race jabbot embrioderd blouse frilled blouse Victorian mode and Pre-Raphaello style. Second handicraft ornaments style & peasant style what are embroidery weaving variaty ornaments tie-dye patch work smocking beads & bell paisely print peasant blouse dundle skirt long skirt to clinging layered look floral print dress and shepherd-ness style. Third folklore style that is Oriental mao-suit harem pants & Indian pants caftan monk robe Afgan vest burnoos dhoti pants Hindu robe Red Indian fringe head band feather ornaments Red indian embroidery & weaving body painting gaucho poncho and serapi. At the Ethnic Fashion in 90s.: First Europian classical romantic style that is Victorian style Pre-Raphaello style ruffle & race decorations and velvet materials. Second peasant look& handicraft orna-ments what are floral print long skirt to cling-ing uneven stitches top stitchings patch work embroidery crochet and tie-dye. Third folklore style that is Red Indian style South East mode is sarong skirt & Nheru jacket Tibet & Mongolian style South America style and gypso style.
The word 'chintz' is thought to be a corruption of spotted cloth. Printing remained a relatively primitive method of decorating textiles in Europe until the second half of the 17th century. The formation of the English East India Company sparked the influx into the West of painted and printed Indian cotton textiles. A William Sherwin took out the first English patent in 1676. The earlist European designs were florals in the Indian manner. Patterns of European flowers returned to England as birds, flowers, trees, vines and stained glass for Victorian chintz. In France, the original and most successsful manufacturer of the distinctive printed fabrics from Jouy was Christophe Philippe Oberkampf. Copperplate printing was introduced to Jouy in 1770, probably reaching the pinnacle of achievement in the craft after 1783 when Jean-Baptiste Huet became chief designer. Huet's style was widely imitated in France and abroad, and the term 'toile de Jouy' has come to be universally applied to monochrome figurative designs wherever and by whomsoever they were produced. Oberkampf served his apprenticeship as an engraver with some leading manufacturers, including a period in Mulhouse. In Alsace, which was not part of France until 1798, the first factory had opened in 1746 in Mulhouse, and the area soon had the largest number of print-works in France.
Journal of The Korean Association For Science Education
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v.23
no.4
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pp.419-429
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2003
The developments of science education until the middle of the 20th century were often driven by personal ideas and achievements of some influential individual scientists (e.g. T. H. Huxley, H. E. Armstrong. L. Hogben, J. Conant). while that of the 2nd half of the 20th century can be characterized as collective efforts through various research grou ps of science educators (e.g. PSSC, HPP, Nuffield, SATIS). In this respect, John Tyndall(1820-1894), a physicist of the Victorian England best known as Tyndall's Effect, can be considered as one of the great scientists who made a big influence on science teaching and the popularization of science before science secured its place in school curricula. Tyndall worked as a research scientist at the Royal Institution of London, where various lectures and demonstrations of physical sciences were regularly performed for general public, and he was particularly famous for his fascinating physics demonstrations. In this study, we summarize his activities and achievements as a teacher as well as a popularizer of physics, illustrate some of his famous demonstrations and his ideas concerning physics teaching and discuss their implications to today's physics education.
In late Victorian England, a "pervert" meant two things. One meaning designated a person who "turned" or converted from one sect of Christianity to another. In Wilde's time this referred specifically to converts from the established state Church of England to the transnational Roman Catholic Church. The other, newer meaning designated someone who turned from conventional heterosexual relations to a (as yet unnamed) homosexual orientation. In the context of the late Victorian empire, both were considered dangerous. The rising social and political influence of Roman Catholicism appeared threatening as a transnational Church invading a national one. For the Anglican Church of England, this crisis was played out what came to be known as the Oxford Movement, still influential during Wilde's time as a student there from 1874 to 1878. What is interesting in Wilde's life, as in his work, is the way he himself played with the dangerous transgressions inherent in being a "pervert." Sexually, he was converted to same-sex love while still a married man. In terms of religion, he remained fascinated with Catholicism, allegedly converting on his death-bed. But what is provocative is way that Wilde used one "perversion" to play into another: so that in such works as The Picture of Dorian Gray and Salome, his version of a kind of anti-Catholic Catholicism becomes a site of sexual desire, and sexual desire expression for that kind of spirituality, which, as unrequited longing, can ultimately n find no object adequate to its imagination.
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