• 한국산업경영시스템학회:학술대회논문집
• /
• 한국산업경영시스템학회 2002년도 춘계학술대회
• /
• pp.227-236
• /
• 2002

With agreement from the US, EU, and other countries, China joined in WTO(World Trade Organization) on December 1, 2001. So it is expected that Korea will not expand bilateral trade but also face severe competition with China for world and Chinese market. After Chinese accession to WTO, the aspect of Korean companies may be considered to be reduced the aspect of opportunity and risk by half. Accordingly, Korean domestic companies have to search countermeasures optimized to get global competition by considering the aspect of opportunity and risk. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to review the potential possibility of China as a world market and to provide countermeasures for major Korean domestic industries.

• Strategy21
• /
• 통권39호
• /
• pp.114-139
• /
• 2016

Korea and China are neighboring countries with close contacts in many areas from long time ago, and have shared interests in maintaining peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula, and in deepening economic relationship which has been mutually complementary in their nature. Therefore their bilateral relations has been developed at a remarkable pace to the extent that it can't be better than now. However, the differences in their responses to North Korean nuclear test and ensuing long-range ballistic missile test-fire and the Chinese strong concern on the possible deployment of THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Air Defence) anti-missile system in Korea show that there are some weaknesses in their relations. For example, Korea is not still confident that China would fully implement the sanction measures contained in the UNSC resolution and I argue that Chinese proposal of parallel negotiation of the denuclearization and the replacement of Korean armistice with the Peace Agreement is not much persuasive. In THAAD issue, if Korea comes to conclusion in the future that THAAD is the most effective way to counter North Korean threats, Korea should make every efforts to assure China that Korea-US alliance is not targeting China, and the THAAD is a defensive system, not damaging Chinese security. In the longer-term, deepening strategic distrust and competition between the US and China in this part of East Asia, changing nature of economic cooperation between Korea and China, and the revival of 'great country mentality' by Chinese people together with the rising nationalism in both Korea and China would cast shadow on Korea-China relation in the years ahead, unless properly handled. In this regard, I suggest that the security communications between the two countries be further strengthened, and the tri-lateral dialogue channel be established among the three countries of Korea, the US and China, particularly on North Korean issues. I also suggest the new pattern of economic cooperation be sought, considering the changing economic environment in China, while strengthening the efforts to understand each other through more interactions between the two peoples.

• Strategy21
• /
• 통권44호
• /
• pp.5-27
• /
• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to look at USN's efforts to rebuild its combat power in the face of a reemergence of great powers competition, and to propose some recommendations for the ROKN. In addition to the plan to augment its fleet towards a 355-ships capacity, the USN is pursuing to improve exponentially combat lethality(quality) of its existing fleet by means of innovative science and technology. In other words, the USN is putting its utmost efforts to improve readiness of current forces, to modernize maintenance facilities such as naval shipyards, and simultaneously to invest in innovative weapons system R&D for the future. After all, the USN seems to pursue innovations in advanced military Science & Technology as the best way to ensure continued supremacy in the coming strategic competition between great powers. However, it is to be seen whether the USN can smoothly continue these efforts to rebuild combat strength vis-a-vis its new competition peers, namely China and Russian navy, due to the stringent fiscal constraints, originating, among others, from the 2011 Budget Control Act effective yet. Then, it seems to be China's unilateral and assertive behaviors to expand its maritime jurisdiction in the South China Sea that drives the USN's rebuild-up efforts of the future. Now, some changes began to be perceived in the basic framework of the hitherto regional maritime security, in the name of declining sea control of the USN as well as withering maritime order based on international law and norms. However, the ROK-US alliance system is the most excellent security mechanism upon which the ROK, as a trading power, depends for its survival and prosperity. In addition, as denuclearization of North Korea seems to take significant time and efforts to accomplish in the years to come, nuclear umbrella and extended deterrence by the US is still noting but indispensible for the security of the ROK. In this connection, the naval cooperation between ROKN and USN should be seen and strengthened as the most important deterrents to North Korean nuclear and missile threats, as well as to potential maritime provocation by neighboring countries. Based on these observations, this paper argues that the ROK Navy should try to expand its own deterrent capability by pursuing selective technological innovation in order to prevent this country's destiny from being dictated by other powers. In doing so, however, it may be too risky for the ROK to pursue the emerging, disruptive innovative technologies such as rail gun, hypersonic weapon... etc., due to enormous budget, time, and very thin chance of success. This paper recommends, therefore, to carefully select and extensively invest on the most cost-effective technological innovations, suitable in the operational environments of the ROK. In particular, this paper stresses the following six areas as most potential naval innovations for the ROK Navy: long range precision strike; air and missile defense at sea; ASW with various unmanned maritime system (UMS) such as USV, UUV based on advanced hydraulic acoustic sensor (Sonar) technology; network; digitalization for the use of AI and big data; and nuclear-powered attack submarines as a strategic deterrent.

• 한국항만경제학회지
• /
• 제19권2호
• /
• pp.159-175
• /
• 2003

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the development strategy for the Hub of Northeast Asia. Those countries such as Singapore, Taiwan, Hong Kong and China competing us are trying to concentrate on their core capacity. Based on the severe competition surrounding us, we are confronting with a transitional period to upgrade competitiveness. It is acknowledged that the building of economic hub of Northeast Asia is essential to become an advanced country. Therefore, it is becoming an urgent task that Korean government should formulate the development strategy of building efficient transportation network, economic special zone and financial hub.

• 패션비즈니스
• /
• 제7권3호
• /
• pp.45-53
• /
• 2003

In the face of trade opportunity of Chinese reformation and opening and the future largest single market, global or multinational companies and Korean, Japanese, Chinese, Hong Kong's and Taiwan's companies will go all out to catch hold of one quotient. One trading war is about to start for funds, elitists, technique, and management in China now. It might be difficult to get profits in Chinese markets. However, risks can bring challenges, and competition can make progress. It's time to prepare for the challenges in the golden opportunity laid in front of us all.

• Strategy21
• /
• 통권38호
• /
• pp.250-286
• /
• 2015

The main purpose of this article is to provide an understanding on current maritime issues in the Northeast Asia, and thereby help formulating the right strategy for our national security. The article summarizes core arguments in the recently published 『The 21^st Century Maritime Strategies in the Northeast Asia: Dilemma between Competition and Cooperation』. It will help readers to comprehend historical backgrounds as well as recent updates related to maritime issues and strategies in the region. Also, readers may find guidance to conceive their own maritime strategies for the Republic of Korea. Currently, the U.S. is shifting its focus from Atlantic to Pacific, and increasing its naval presence in Asia-Pacific region. Meanwhile, the 21^st century China views the maritime interests as the top priority in its national security and prosperity. PLA Navy's offensive maritime strategies and naval building such as aircraft carriers and nuclear submarines are unprecedented. Japan is another naval power in the region. During the Cold War JMSDF faithfully fulfilled the mission of deterring Soviet navy, and now it is doing its job against China. Lastly, Putin has been emphasizing to build the strong Russia since 2000, and putting further efforts to reinforce current naval capabilities of Pacific Fleet. The keyword in the naval and maritime relations among these powers can be summarized with "competition and cooperation." The recent security developments in the South China Sea(SCS) clearly represent each state's strategic motivations and movements. China shows clear and strong intention to nationalize the islands in SCS by building artificial facilities - possibly military purpose. Obviously, the U.S. strongly opposes China by insisting the freedom of navigation(FON) in international waters as recent USS-Lassen's FON operation indicate. The conflict between China and the U.S. surrounding the SCS seems to be heading towards climax as Russia and Japan are searching for their own national interests within the conflict. Also, the neighboring small and middle powers are calculating their own economic and security interests. This is no exception for us in establishing timely strategies to maximize our own national security. Hopefully, this article leads the readers to the right direction.

• 무역학회지
• /
• 제46권2호
• /
• pp.141-160
• /
• 2021

The scale of global FDI has been decreasing since 2016 due to the ongoing US-China trade dispute, the strengthening of FDI inflow screening regulations with concern over strategic technology leaks, and the spread of reshoring trends due to the reinforcement of national preferences. Eventually, the competition to attract FDI between countries is expected to become more intense. Therefore, in order to attract high-quality FDI for Korea that will contribute to the development of the national economy, it is pressing to evaluate and improve the domestic FDI attraction environment. This study aims to analyze which areas of Korea's economic and non-economic environments need improvement for gaining advantage amid the fierce competition to attract FDI between countries, by the relative comparison between Korea and the U.S., and based on the ranking indicated in key FDI attractiveness indices. As a result, improvement is needed in the following areas. First, according to IMD's "World Competitiveness Ranking 2020," Korea was inferior to the US in terms of business efficiency, productivity, finance and business legislation in terms of government efficiency. Second, according to INSEAD's "Global Talent Competitiveness Index 2020," Korea was inferior to the US in terms of internal openness, external openness, employability, lifelong learning, access to growth opportunity, and business and labor landscapes. Third, according to WEF's "Global Competitiveness Index 2019", Korea was inferior to the US in terms of product market, labor market, business dynamism and workforce skills.

• 해양안보
• /
• 제3권1호
• /
• pp.115-140
• /
• 2021

남중국해는 풍부한 해저 및 어로자원 뿐만 아니라 매년 4만여 척 이상의 선박이 통과하고, 세계 해양물류 50%, 원유 66%가 통과하는 중요한 해상교통로이다. 특히 대한민국의 수입 물동량의 30%, 에너지 수입량의 90%가 당 해역을 통과하고 있다. 미국과 중국은 이 해역의 중요성을 일찍이 깨달아 각각 '인도-태평양 전략', '일대일로(一帶一路) 전략'을 시행하는 등 국가전략적 차원에서 해양안보를 통한 국익을 구체화 하고 있다. 이런 지정학적 갈등은 남중국해에서 미국이 실시하는 '항행의 자유 작전'이라는 양상으로 드러나고 있다. 이러한 중요성에도 불구하고, 항행의 자유 작전에 대한 국내 연구는 미흡한 것이 사실이며, 기존 연구 대부분도 국제법과 국제 협약에 대한 분석을 중심으로 수행되었다. 본 논문은 항행의 자유 작전에 대한 전략적 인식을 통해 그 기원과 배경을 분석하고, 미·중 전략경쟁이 장기화되는 상황에서 한반도 안보에 주는 함의를 도출하고자 한다.

• Strategy21
• /
• 통권36호
• /
• pp.94-120
• /
• 2015

The Asia-Pacific Region has emerged as a arena of geopolitical competition between the U.S. and China. The Obama administration of the U.S. had laid out the concept of rebalancing strategy toward the region, concentrating its 60 percent of Naval Forces to the region till 2020 and consolidating its network of allies and partners. Whereas Chinese leader Xi Jinping also put forward the concept of new type of major power relations concerning its relations with the U.S. and a concept of 'the Asian Community of Common Destiny' aiming at a more intensified mutual relation among countries in the region. In doing so, Asia-Pacific region gradually became the arena where mutual competition and cooperation between the U.S. and China has crossfired. As a close ally to the U.S. and a partner to Japan, South Korea should develop trilateral naval cooperation by holding joint naval drill with the aim of humanitarian support and disaster relief. At the same time, Seoul also should make efforts to proceed mutual confidence building with Beijing by deepening military-to-military cooperation. These policy options will be helpful to enhance Seoul's security posture in the region.

• 해양안보
• /
• 제1권1호
• /
• pp.119-148
• /
• 2020

본 연구는 그레이존에 대한 주변국의 전략을 살펴보고 한국의 그레이존 전략을 모색하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 그레이존에 대한 개념은 국가마다 분야마다 다양하게 나타나고 있다. 국제관계에서 그레이존은 전쟁과 평화의 사이라는 포괄적인 공간이다. 해양에서의 그레이존은 향후 미중경쟁이 본격화되고 대리전이 가능한 불안정한 공간으로 그레이존의 전략적인 관리가 필요하다. 본 연구는 해양안보 분야에서의 그레이존의 개념을 정리하고, 주요국들의 그레이존 전략을 살펴본 후 한국의 그레이존 대응방안을 제시한다. 특히 그레이존에 대한 복합해양지전략 분석틀에 근거한 문제의 명확화와 해양상황파악(MDA) 추진체계 확립을 위한 해경강화 및 해군과의 정보공유의 강화가 필요하다고 주장한다. 본 연구에서 시도한 복합해양지전략적 이론틀은 한국의 다양한 그레이존 이슈들의 성격을 파악하고 사안별 대응전략을 마련하는 데 도움이 될 것으로 기대한다. 또한 일본과 중국을 비롯한 주변국들의 그레이존 전략을 확인하고 한국에 접목하며 향후 강화되는 미중 경쟁 속 그레이존의 평화화 가능성에 대해 모색한다.