• Child Health Nursing Research
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.291-298
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• 2022

Purpose: This study aimed to identify students' awareness of the use of a chatbot (A-uC), a type of artificial intelligence technology, for violence prevention among elementary school students. Methods: The participants comprised 215 students in the fourth to sixth grades in Chuncheon, South Korea, and data were collected via a self-reported questionnaire. Results: The mean A-uC score was 3.43±0.83 out of 5 points. The mean scores for the 4 sub-dimensions of the A-uC tool were 3.48±0.80 for perceived value, 3.44±0.98 for perceived usefulness, 3.63±0.92 for perceived ease of use, and 3.15±1.07 for intention to use. Significant differences were observed in A-uC scores (F=59.26, p<.001) according to the need for the use of chatbots in violence prevention education. The relationships between intention to use and the other A-uC sub-dimensions showed significant correlations with perceived value (r=.85, p<.001), perceived usefulness (r=.76, p<.001), and perceived ease of use (r=.64, p<.001). Conclusion: The results of this study suggest that chatbots can be used in violence prevention education for elementary school students.

• Strategy21
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• s.36
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• pp.59-93
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• 2015

A Paradigm shift is in process in China's foreign policies during Xi Jinping's era. Such changes occur with changing national identities from developing country to great power, and from continental power to continental-maritime power. China's pursuit for sea power embraces its global strategy. Accommodating the new identity of maritime power, China is developing its maritime strategy. New silk-road strategy actively utilizes China's advantage in economy, while avoiding direct military challenges against the U.S. China seeks an associated balance of power with the U.S. On the other hand, China make its determination clear to protect its core national interests, particularly Taiwan straits issue, deploying Anti-Access and Area-Denial strategy. 'Pax-Americana 3.0' and 'China's rise 2.0' have convoluted and evolved in complexity. South Korea faces much tougher challenges ahead in its foreign and security environments.

• Journal of the Korean housing association
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.127-136
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• 1999

• Strategy21
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• s.42
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• pp.224-257
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• 2017

As the Trump administration withdraws the Paris Climate Agreement and shows its antipathy toward free trade, the U.S.'s soft power is most likely to weaken and its behaviors could be perceived as acts to surrender the U.S. hegemonic leadership in the world stage. Hegemonic stability theory notes that the existence of a hegemonic power contributes to international stability in the sense that it provides international public goods. A lack of the U.S's leadership in international politics, however, could be recognized as its denial of a hegemonic status. Is it intentional or accidental? The U.S's denial of hegemonic roles is the byproduct of the Trump administration's "American First" policy, not the showcase of its intention to transit hegemony to others. What is noteworthy is that China targets a niche market of hegemony as the U.S. denies its roles as the international leader. Put it another way, China attempts to ride hegemony for free when the U.S. denies its hegemonic roles accidentally. Faced with a niche market of hegemony, China has begun to accelerate its national strategy to make "Chinese Dream" come true. To that end, China promised again to keep the Paris Climate Agreement and attempts to play more active its roles in Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO), Asia Infra Investment Bank(AIIB), and "One Belt, One Road". Despite all these efforts, the U.S. is most likely to withdraw its denial of hegemony any time soon. The U.S's resumption of Freedom of Navigation Operations(FONOPs) could be a precursor of the return to a hegemonic power's willingness. In this vein, it is noteworthy that the South China Sea serves as a quasi-war zone for hegemonic conflict.

• Information Systems Review
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.79-94
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• 2004

The Internet is now an ubiquitous technology in business and possesses the potential to make the concept of value chain into an attainable reality. We posit that the way the Internet is utilized, the extent of the Internet's impact on business performance, and the extent the firms are prepared to take advantage of the Internet varies from country to country and from industry to industry. Based on data collected from 54 firms in the U.S. and 135 in South Korea, we compared the two countries (U.S. and South Korea) and two major industry groups (manufacturing and service) regarding the pattern of Internet utilization on the Internet from a value chain perspective. The findings show that U.S. companies utilize the Internet more extensively in such areas as human resources management, automation, sales, and advertising than the South Korean counterparts. However, we did not find a statistically significant difference in the way the two countries use the Internet within a value chain model. We also compared Internet practices by industry sector (i.e., service vs. manufacturing) within each country. The results show that firms in the service sector tend to use the Internet more extensively than the manufacturing counterparts in both countries. Particularly in Korea the difference between the sectors was significant in the extent to which they utilized the Internet to support such business activities as inter-organizational alliance, communication, and marketing.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.58
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• pp.107-135
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• 2019

The purpose of this paper is to compare and analyze the similarities and differences between the security environment, information organization and information activities of Korea and the United States. The comparison will provide insight into Korea and other national intelligence agencies, as well as methodological advances in information research, by providing insight into the overall information and a broad understanding As the history, culture and national power of Korea and the U.S. are different, the organization and activities of intelligence agencies are also different. First of all, in terms of environment, the U.S. carries out intelligence activities for national interest and security in a wide range of areas ranging from North American continental countries to South America, the Middle East, Asia and Asia, while South Korea's intelligence activities are mainly aimed at North Korea and neighboring countries around the Korean Peninsula. In terms of information organization, U.S. intelligence agencies are separate, whereas domestic and foreign intelligence agencies are separate, whereas Korean intelligence agencies are a type of integrated intelligence agency that combines information and investigation, unlike the U.S. In the U.S., the U.S. also operates as an intelligence community, and there are many flexible organizations such as non-tier organizations and centers. Intelligence activities by U.S. intelligence agencies are mainly focused on analysis and overseas processing activities, while Korean intelligence agencies still account for a large portion of domestic information activities. Despite these differences, Korea's intelligence agency was created by imitating U.S. intelligence agencies, and thus has similar aspects in terms of evaluation of security, organization and activities. However, this similarity is shared by all intelligence agencies, so the article will focus on analyzing differences. Finally, for the development of Korean intelligence agencies, the establishment of an intelligence community and efficient control of the National Assembly will be proposed.

• Architectural research
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.1-8
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• 2013

Over the past two decades following the 1990s, South Korea's IT industry has developed rapidly. In keeping with this trend, the architectural and urban planning sectors have also converged with IT and achieved advancement in new directions. This evolution includes a variety of conceptual terminologies such as 'home automation', ''home network', 'smart home, and 'ubiquitous-city'. However, smart homes and U-cities simply represent a conceptual extension of home networks, and there is little real difference in the technologies involved. In particular, U-cities remain focused on infrastructure rather than on the development of specific content; consequently, they have failed to demonstrate distinctive features to clearly differentiate themselves from conventional cities. In such a context, this research aims at the proposal of a 'ubiquitous pavilion' as a component of the efforts to develop a range of architectural contents that utilize ubiquitous technologies. By grafting the pavilion, one of the most basic forms in architecture, with cutting-edge ubiquitous technologies, this paper intends to suggest a multi-purpose architectural space readily and simply available not only in newly emerging U-cities, but to conventional cities as well.

• Journal of the Architectural Institute of Korea Planning & Design
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• v.34 no.9
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• pp.117-128
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• 2018

The United States understood the fostering of pro-U.S. elites in "free world" countries as an important Cold War weapon. From 1954 to 1962, the U.S provided considerable assistance to Seoul National University (SNU) for its postwar rehabilitation and future development in terms of repair and construction of campus buildings, equipment and book purchases, and faculty exchanges. With the aid of this educational assistance project widely known as the Minnesota Project, SNU was reborn with an academic orientation to the U.S., separating itself from the Japanese education that was its origin. This study argues that the Minnesota Project played an important role in crafting SNU's architecture program and the exchange program's recipients as key "knowledge brokers." For individual trainees, experience in the U.S., as opposed to a backwards situation in their homeland, had allowed them to recognize the U.S. as an ideal source of knowledge. Since the Minnesota Project, SNU's Architectural Engineering Department was filled with faculty members who had trained or studied in the U.S., which became a significant distinction of SNU's architecture program in sharp contrast to its counterparts at Hanyang University and Hongik University where most of the faculty members studied in Japan during the Japanese colonial period. As many graduates of SNU had been appointed as faculty members in newly-founded architecture programs in South Korea, a hierarchical diffusion path had emerged in architectural education that led from SNU to other school's architecture programs, with the U.S. at the apex. The legacy of the Minnesota Project extended over the next few decades, in which studying architecture in the U.S. was recognized as a shortcut to success in the field.

• Strategy21
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• s.41
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• pp.232-260
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• 2017

The purpose of this paper is to open a debate about what kind of deterrent strategy the ROK military should pursue in the era of NK's weapons of mass destruction and missile threats. I argue that the ROK military needs a comprehensive deterrent strategy that reflects the international security situations and trends and that builds on clear understanding of the basic concepts and how deterrence operates. The paper starts with surveying the basic knowledge of deterrence from the perspectives of both theory and practice. Then, it provides explanations on why deterrence against NK can be particularly difficult given the security environment in and around the Korean peninsula. For example, South Korea and North Korea hardly share 'common knowledge' that serves as a basic element for the operation of deterrence. Deterrence against North Korea involves complex situations in that both deterrence and compellence strategies may be relevant particularly to North Korea's WMD and missile threats. It also involves both immediate and general deterrence. Based on the discussion, I suggest several ideas that may serve as guidelines for establishing a deterrent strategy against NK. First, our threats for deterrence should be the ones that can be realized, particularly in terms of the international norms. In other words, they must be considered appropriate among other nations in the international community. Second, there should be separate plans for the different kinds of threats: one is conventional, local provocations and the other is WMD/missile related provocations. Third, we should pursue much closer cooperative relations with the U.S. military to enhance the effectiveness of immediate deterrence in the Korean peninsula. Fourth, the ROK military should aim to accomplish 'smart deterrence' maximizing the benefits of technological superiority. Fifth, the ROK military readiness and structure should be able to deny emerging North Korean military threats such as the submarine-launched ballistic missiles and intercontinental ballistic missiles. Lastly, in executing threats, we should consider that the current action influences credibility and reputation of the ROK, which in turn affect the decisions for future provocations. North Korea's WMD/missile threats may soon become critical strategic-level threats to South Korea. In retrospect, the first debate on building a missile defense system in South Korea dates back to the 1980s. Mostly the debate has centered on whether or not South Korea's system should be integrated into the U.S. missile defense system. In the meantime, North Korea has become a small nuclear power that can threaten the United States with the ballistic missiles capability. If North Korea completes the SLBM program and loads the missiles on a submarine with improved underwater operation capability, then, South Korea may have to face the reality of power politics demonstrated by Thucydides through the Athenians: "The strong do what they have the power to do, the weak accept what they have to accept."

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.381-393
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• 2019

This study aimed to develop an educational program on cervical cancer prevention and human papillomavirus (HPV) for female North Korean refugees and to assess the effect of the program. This study used a nonequivalent control group with a pretest-posttest design. The participants were 42 female North Korean refugees in their 20s residing in South Korea. Measurements included cervical cancer knowledge, HPV knowledge, attitude toward HPV vaccination, and intention for HPV vaccination. Statistically significant differences emerged in levels of cervical cancer knowledge (U = 40.00, p < .001), HPV knowledge (U = 4.50, p < .001), and attitude toward HPV vaccination (U = 128.00, p = .013) between the experimental and control group. The educational program is an effective nursing intervention to improve cervical cancer knowledge, HPV knowledge, and attitude toward HPV vaccination of female North Korean refugees. Stakeholders must work to establish health policies to reduce health disparities between South and North Korean women to prepare for unification.