• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.99-124
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• 2024

The most essential task that ran through former President Roh Moo-hyun's political career was overcoming regionalism and transformation of the regional party system. After Roh Moo-hyun entered politics and before coming to power, he tried to overcome regionalism with a strategy of directly challenging regionalism by running for office in the Busan region. After winning the 16th presidential election, he sought to overcome regionalism and transforming the party system by proposing a grand coalition to transfer power to the main opposition party on the premise of reforming the electoral system. Roh Moo-hyun's strategy was to enable the two major parties to secure seats in each other's strongholds by introducing a highly proportional electoral system. However Roh Moo-hyun's strategy was not realized due to opposition from inside and outside the party and rejection by the Grand National Party. Roh Moo-hyun's strategy had a path-dependent long-term impact on subsequent Korean politics.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.145-179
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• 2002

This study explores the change of family policy in Germany focused on political ideologies and instruments of CDU/CSU and SPD. In past 50 years after the 2. world war the family policy in Germany has been influenced by ideologies of 2 major political parties. With conservative political perspectives, CDU and CSU intend to strengthen the institution family and traditional division of domestic work. Therefore, they prefer indirect support methods by income tax benefit for family as political instrument. SPD with liberal political perspectives intends to support working married women and children. As political instrument SPD prefers allowance for child to indirect support system. This different political perspectives of 2 major parties have been reflected automatically on the federal administrative system(BMFSFJ) which takes responsibility of family policy in Germany. Through the analysis of attitudes to family policy of major parties in Germany this paper attempts to be manifest the problem of korean family policy and to find implications of german modell.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.351-377
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• 2008

Corruption in China became increasingly serious during the early period of its social transition, resulting in severe economic losses and huge challenges to China's government institution, as well as gradually becoming socially widespread. Recently. China's political corruption is an outcome of the attenuated political control, which has been caused by a systemic change from planned economy to market economy since 1978, and the lack of institutionalization to relieve such transition. Besides, the immature market system and state's intervention in the economy are other factors for the corruption. In short, current China's corruption can be regarded as a structuralized phenomenon. This article identified such circumstance by analyzing the scope, degree, and scale of the corruption. Overall assessment of the some factors suggests that present economic modernization is a principal cause for Chinese corruption while the other factors-monopoly power system in the Chinese Communist Party and the transformation of connection-are important but secondary.

• The Korean journal of internal medicine
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• v.33 no.6
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• pp.1194-1202
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• 2018

Background/Aims: This study evaluated the role of hypomethylating agents (HMA) compared to best supportive care (BSC) for patients with high or very-high (H/VH) risk myelodysplastic syndrome (MDS) according to the Revised International Prognostic Scoring System. Methods: A total of 279 H/VH risk MDS patients registered in the Korean MDS Working Party database were retrospectively analyzed. Results: HMA therapy was administered to 205 patients (73.5%), including 31 patients (11.1%) who then received allogeneic hematopoietic cell transplantation (allo-HCT), while 74 patients (26.5%) received BSC or allo-HCT without HMA. The 3-year overall survival (OS) rates were $53.1%{\pm}10.7%$ for allo-HCT with HMA, $75%{\pm}21.7%$ for allo-HCT without HMA, $17.3%{\pm}3.6%$ for HMA, and $20.8%{\pm}6.9%$ for BSC groups (p < 0.001). In the multivariate analysis, only allo-HCT was related with favorable OS (hazard ratio [HR], 0.356; p = 0.002), while very poor cytogenetic risk (HR, 5.696; p = 0.042), age ${\geq}65years$ (HR, 1.578; p = 0.022), Eastern Cooperative Oncology Group performance status (ECOG PS) 2 to 4 (HR, 2.837; p < 0.001), and transformation to acute myeloid leukemia (AML) (HR, 1.901; p = 0.001) all had an adverse effect on OS. Conclusions: For the H/VH risk group, very poor cytogenetic risk, age ${\geq}65years$, ECOG PS 2 to 4, and AML transformation were poor prognostic factors. HMA showed no benefit in terms of OS when compared to BSC. Allo-HCT was the only factor predicting a favorable long-term outcome. The use of HMA therapy did not seem to have an adverse effect on the transplantation outcomes. However, the conclusion of this study should be carefully interpreted and proven by large scale research in the future.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.67-82
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• 2004

There is a general agreement that the global social-economic system is undergoing fundamental changes, which can be explained in terms of the transformation of production system from the Fordism to Post-Fordism since the 1980s. These fundamental changes have resulted in the 'new urbanization' process in the most of large cities in the developed countries. The aim of this paper is to identify the 'new urbanization' process in a large city in Korea that is, Daejon. For the propose, this paper tries to examine and conceptualize empirically the changes of economic, political, social-cultural, and spatial aspects of Daejon metropolis in the respect of 'new urbanization'. The major findings of this essay are summarized as follows. First of all, Daejon economy has experienced new changes, that is the development of service economy and high tech industry. But the old industry still remain important in the urban economy. Secondly, in the political aspect, new civil movements flourish in the city, while the political power of Jaminlyeon, a pro-conservative and narrow-regionalism party, once dominated this region, has decreased its influence. Thirdly. the original CBD of Daejon has been declined while new (sub-)CBBs have emerging in Daejon spatial structures. In conclusion, we can find some clues of the new urbanization process in Daejon, but this process is still quite slow and somewhat different from those of large cities of the developed countries.