• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• 제11권2호
• /
• pp.1-12
• /
• 2012

• 통상정보연구
• /
• 제15권1호
• /
• pp.309-330
• /
• 2013

4개 국가의 지역 무역협정으로 시작된 환태평양연대협정(TPP)은 미국의 적극적 참여와 일본이 참여 의사를 밝히면서 거대규모의 무역협정으로 확대되었다. 한국은 아직 유보적인 입장이지만 미국의 꾸준한 요청과 아시아 태평양 지역을 아우르는 규모를 감안하여 참여를 타진할 것으로 생각된다. 미국이 주도하는 TPP의 협정내용은 기존에 체결된 FTA를 기반으로 하여 구성될 것으로 예상되고 있다. 꾸준한 발전이 기대되는 전자상거래 분야는 이를 선도하고 있는 미국이 자신들이 유리한 부분을 적극적으로 제시할 것으로 예상되는 바, 한국이 참여한다면 한 미 FTA 등의 기존 협정 분야에서 우리에게 유리했던 부분 등을 적극 제시하고 향후 한국이 전자상거래 시장을 선도하는 방향으로 협상에 임하는 것이 중요하다.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
• /
• 제8권3호
• /
• pp.771-780
• /
• 2021

The study assesses the impact of tariffs on Vietnam's trade in the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). Research data was conducted between 2001 and 2018 on the official website of the Uncomtrade and the World Bank. This paper uses the gravity model to estimate the relationship between data series and considers the impact of factors on Vietnam's trade with CPTPP countries. The results have proven that tariff reductions have a positive effect on Vietnam's trade. Besides, the trade openness of Vietnam and CPTPP countries has positive impacts on Vietnam's trade. The study also shows that Real Effective Exchange Rate (REER) between Vietnam's and CPTPP countries' currencies has no strong effect on Vietnam's trade. Based on these findings, the article also suggests a number of policies to promote Vietnam's trade in future. In order to support businesses to better utilize opportunities and promote exports to CPTPP countries, the government of Vietnam should: (1) focus on reducing costs and time to participate in the market for production and business investors; (2) improve business investment environment to mobilize resources for production; and (3) continue to organize information campaigns to raise businesses' awareness of how to take advantage of CPTPP preferences.

• 무역학회지
• /
• 제45권1호
• /
• pp.137-153
• /
• 2020

On February 14, 2019, the government of Korea formally decided to consider the feasibility of joining the Comprehensive and Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and has since been conducting bilateral consultations with individual member countries. In terms of the impact estimation, the CPTPP is actually a Korea-Japan FTA, and the most sensitive issue in the FTA is the opening of the auto industry market to Japan. Despite these circumstances, previous studies have predicted that the auto industry will be a beneficiary industry when joining the CPTPP. However, the Korean auto industry is opposed to joining the CPTPP. In order to investigate the cause of this discrepancy, this paper examines the problems of previous studies in estimating the impact of joining the CPTPP and found that the preceding study did not consider the industrial characteristics of the auto sector, especially in the context of Japan-Korea trade, and was heavily dependent on the Armington elasticity (structure) in the demand function of the GTAP CGE model. As a result, the domestic auto sector could lower prices and increase exports when joining the CPTPP. This paper attempts to precisely re-estimate the impact of joining the CPTPP on the auto sector in a way that corrects these problems by changing the CGE model and reflecting the major characteristics of the industry, with policy implications for the negotiation of CPTPP accession.

• East Asian Economic Review
• /
• 제20권3호
• /
• pp.279-309
• /
• 2016

The proposed Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) is a free trade agreement among 12 Pacific Rim countries whose joint gross domestic products (GDPs) account for 36 percent of world GDP and whose mutual trade accounts for approximately 24 percent of world trade. As for most proposed free trade agreements (FTAs), trade economists have provided ex ante computable general equilibrium (CGE) estimates to predict the trade, employment, and real per capita income effects of this agreement, such as ITC (2016). This paper-intended to complement these studies-examines the potential impacts of TPP beyond such traditional CGE estimates, taking a broader economic, governance, and historical perspective. First, we contrast these traditional CGE trade and welfare estimates that treat all firms within an industry as homogeneous with more recent CGE analyses that allow firms' productivities to be heterogeneous. We show that the latter models' trade predictions are much more consistent with ex post empirical evidence of average trade effects of FTAs. Second, empirical evidence now strongly confirms the existence of FTA "contagion." We review this evidence and show that predictive models of the evolution of FTAs indicate that the TPP should be formed. With China now having formed 12 FTAs and negotiating five new ones (including a sixteen member Asia-Pacific FTA), the United States would likely face considerable trade diversion without the TPP. Third, we examine empirical evidence on the likely further economic growth implications of FTAs by reducing firms' uncertainty over trade relations and trade policies. Fourth, we examine empirical evidence on the additional impact of FTAs on consolidating democratic institutions in countries. The TPP would likely help consolidate some of the less mature democracies. Fifth, we examine empirical evidence on the reductions of conflicts (and enhanced peace) between countries owing to the formations of FTAs. We conclude the paper noting that the potential net benefits to member countries of the proposed TPP extend well beyond the real income gains to households based upon traditional CGE models.

• 한국정보통신학회논문지
• /
• 제22권9호
• /
• pp.1271-1276
• /
• 2018

2018년 3월 8일, 칠레 산티아고에서 베트남을 포함한 11개 국가들이 포괄적이고 점진적인 환태평양경제동반자 협정(CPTPP) 출범 합의에 서명하였다. CPTPP(Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership)는 2017년 1월 미국의 TPP 탈퇴 이후 남은 11개국(일본, 호주, 뉴질랜드, 캐나다, 멕시코 칠레, 페루, 싱가포르, 베트남, 말레이시아, 브루나이)이 참여하는 아시아-태평양 지역의 대규모 자유무역협정(FTA)이다. 기존의 TPP 보다 경제적 규모는 작아졌지만, CPTPP 11개국의 국내총생산(GDP) 규모는 전 세계 대비 12.9%, 교역량은 14.9%로 또 다른 메가 FTA가 탄생했다는데 의의가 있다. CPTPP는 기존 TPP의 큰 틀을 그대로 유지함으로써 TPP 합의 사항들이 거의 그대로 적용되지만, 지식재산권과 투자분쟁해결절차 등 일부 민감한 내용들은 적용이 유예 및 수정되었다.

• 전자통신동향분석
• /
• 제37권5호
• /
• pp.1-10
• /
• 2022

Digital trade rules are crucial in supporting the digital economy as the rules effectively reduce unnecessary trade barriers. This study introduces various approaches that major countries take regarding digital trade policies and rules. Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership has introduced comprehensive rules on e-commerce, including binding articles on the free flow of information, location of computing facilities, and source code. More recent e-commerce provisions or digital trade agreements cover wider range of issues, from cyber security, artificial intelligence, and data innovation to electronic invoicing and payments. Multilateral negotiations on digital trade rules, including the World Trade Organization E-commerce Joint Statement Initiatives and Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, are in progress. Thus, countries involved are expected to respond to new digital trade issues with long-term strategies considering domestic policy objectives.

• 무역학회지
• /
• 제41권1호
• /
• pp.187-213
• /
• 2016

미국이 주도하는 TPP와 TTIP협정에서 「규제일관성(regulatory coherence)」의 개념이 도입되었다. 규제일관성이란 국내 정부기관들간, 그리고 여러 국가들의 정부간 규제관련 협력의 강화를 통해서 국내적 제도를 개선하고 국내 정책목표의 실현을 원활화하며, 국제무역과 투자 및 경제성장과 취업을 장려하도록 규제조치의 계획, 디자인, 발효, 집행 및 검토 절차에 좋은 규제 모범관행을 사용하는 것을 의미한다. 본 글은 규제일관성 개념의 발전과정과 TPP 협정문의 내용을 살펴보고 한국의 관점에서 TPP 등 국제협정에 포함되어 있는 규제일관성의 내용을 수용할 수 있을지를 검토해보고자 한다. 또한 정부는 보도자료에서 규제일관성을 규제수렴으로 번역하고 있는데, 이는 전혀 다른 개념이므로 정부는 이러한 번역관행을 수정해야 할 것이다.

• East Asian Economic Review
• /
• 제26권1호
• /
• pp.27-48
• /
• 2022

In the past decade, Korea and Japan have increasingly exhibited different strategic priorities in trade in face of China's rising global economic prowess and worsening US-China trade conflict. Japan's trade policy decisions have worked to reinforce its economic and security ties with the US as a means to counter China. Japan has used both bilateral and multilateral means to secure its ties with the US against China. In contrast, Korea's trade policy positions have been one of 'strategic ambiguity'. Korea has been more conciliatory towards China, reluctant to take actions that would counter China's interest. Korea has mainly resorted to bilateral channels to maintain favorable relations with both China and the US. Korea's reluctance to clearly ally with the US against China has been observed across different administrations with opposing political orientations. This paper examines Korea and Japan's diverging strategic priorities in trade through the 2017 World Trade Organization Ministerial Conference; the 2017 US imposition of Section 232 on steel; the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership, the Korea-US FTA renegotiation and the Korea-China FTA Phase Two Negotiation; and the 2019 Japan-US Trade Agreement.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
• /
• 제7권1호
• /
• pp.123-129
• /
• 2020

Intra-industry trade (IIT) has played an important role in international trade of Vietnam as a result of rapid growth of the country. This article investigates the level of IIT between Vietnam and 11 trading partners in Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) over the period 2000-2014. Although there have been a large number of empirical researches contributed to the determinants of IIT, most of them only pay attention on developed countries where the trade flows are similar due to similar demand structure and production technology. Until now, there is no study on intra-industry trade between Vietnam and countries in TPP that Vietnam recently signed a trade agreement in early 2016. IIT is measured by the Grubel-Lloyd index. The index shows that the extent of intra-industry trade between Vietnam and the trading countries is not high due to the level of economic development and the market size. The determinants of IIT are examined using a panel regression model. In the empirical analysis, the results indicate that Vietnam's intra-industry trade is positively correlated with country size, while it is negatively correlated with income dissimilarity, the trade openness, and geographical distance. This study contributes to the new theoretical trade theory on the evidence of developing country's IIT.