• Journal of Korea Trade
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• v.27 no.5
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• pp.153-166
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• 2023

Purpose - This research empirically analyzes the influence of economic policy uncertainty and free trade agreements (FTAs) on bilateral trade volumes between Korea and its trading partners. The study investigates whether fluctuations in the Economic Policy Uncertainty Index (EPUI) for both Korea and its trading partners significantly impact trade volumes and whether the implementation of FTAs mitigates these effects. Design/methodology - The study employs dynamic panel data analysis using the system generalized method of moments (system GMM) estimation method to achieve its research objectives. It utilizes country-month-level panel data, including the EPUI, trade volume between Korea and its trading partner countries, and other pertinent variables. The use of system GMM allows for the control of potential endogeneity issues and the incorporation of country-specific and time-specific effects. Findings - The analysis yields significant results regarding the impact of economic policy uncertainty on Korea's exports and imports, particularly before the implementation of FTAs. An increase in the EPUI of trading partners leads to a notable increase in Korea's exports to them. Conversely, an increase in Korea's EPUI negatively affects its imports from trading partners. However, post-FTA implementation, the influence of each country's EPUI on trade volume is neutralized, with no significant difference observed. Originality/value - This research contributes to the existing literature by providing empirical evidence on the interaction effects between economic policy uncertainty and FTAs on bilateral trade volumes. The study's uniqueness lies in its examination of how FTAs mitigate the impact of economic uncertainty on trade relations between countries. The findings underscore the importance of trade agreements as mechanisms to address economic risks and promote international trade relations. In a world where global market uncertainties persist, these insights can aid policymakers in Korea and other countries in enhancing their trade cooperation strategies and navigating challenges posed by evolving economic landscapes.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.42 no.2
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• pp.345-367
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• 2017

A bank payment obligation(BPO) has been introduced as a new alternative instrument for trade payments based on a technology and data-driven mechanisms aimed at facilitating an electronic trading in international trade transactions. The BPO is governed by URBPO which was in effect as of July 1, 2013. The URBPO only applies to inter-bank relationships because the BPO is bank-to-bank payment obligation, not a bank-to-customer obligation. The URBPO does not cover the interaction between a bank and their customer. For this reason, the standard bank-customer guidelines on BPO agreements were required to prepare the agreements between the banks and their customers. Accordingly, the International Chamber of Commerce established "ICC Guidelines for the creation of BPO Customer Agreements" for the settlement and development of the BPO by supporting banks in creating contracts or agreements with their customers. So, This study is to review its establishment purpose and to present the implications by analyzing the ICC guidelines. This study was based on documentary research focusing mainly on the ICC Guidelines and the appendix.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.47 no.5
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• pp.201-221
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• 2022

This study aims to analyze a harmonious approach between trade norms for the protection of human rights and the WTO agreements is increasingly necessary and important. conflicts and harmonization that may occur between major human rights protection trade norms and WTO agreements were comprehensively reviewed. The hard legalization of corporate social responsibility for sustainable development, such as human rights protection, was in conflict with the WTO Agreement, which was based on the principle of non-discrimination. As the currently expanding human rights protection trade norms reflect differences in the positions of developed and developing countries, it was also pointed out that there may be disputes over WTO compatibility and distorted protectionism measures. Accordingly, the applicability of the general exceptions to Article 20 of the GATT were reviewed together, and Article 20(a) of GATT, "necessary to protect public morals" may differ between developed and developing countries, and thus limitations were also considered. At the same time, When it is necessary to take regulatory measures such as prohibition of imports from a specific country for human rights protection, it was reviewed and proposed domestic trade norms revision.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.385-415
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• 2013

Inter-regional free trade agreements (FTAs) - notably between Asia and Latin America - are growing in numbers and complexity. There is an absence of an agreed methodology for empirical assessments on the content of FTAs and little research. This paper proposes a framework to assess liberalization in FTAs in goods and services and new trade policy issues relating to regulatory barriers. Next, it applies this framework to studying the 22 Asia-Latin America FTAs in existence. The findings suggest that Asia-Latin American FTAs have laid the foundations for inter-regional integration by liberalizing the trade in goods and services and reducing some regulatory barriers. Deepening FTAs and adopting structural reforms will enhance Asia-Latin American integration in the future.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.403-425
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• 2018

This paper documents the presence of "sensitive sectors" in Free Trade Agreements, defined as sectors for which the within-FTA tariffs remain positive. The paper includes some brief theoretical discussion of the welfare implications of these, but the main emphasis is on reporting two measures of this phenomenon for countries in FTAs that entered into force between 1994 and 2003. One measure is the percentage of tariff lines that remain dutiable, and the second is the change, from before the FTA to after, in the average maximum (across 6-digit products) positive tariffs. Both measures are derived from data in the UNCTAD TRAINS database, and are then related to measures of country characteristics that might explain them. Low per capita GDP countries tend to have larger fractions of dutiable tariff lines, while higher income countries tend to post larger increases in average maximum positive tariffs. Both suggest that the favored treatment of sensitive sectors is undermining the potential gains from trade that FTAs could provide.

• 중국학논총
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• no.72
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• pp.101-122
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• 2021

Over the past 20 years, labor standards have been widely used in free trade agreements. The U.S., the European Union and China have all aggressively signed free trade agreements with their trading partners, developing different styles on labor standards. According to the study, the implementation of the KOREa-EU FREE trade agreement has been hampered by ongoing disputes over the terms of the FREE trade agreement and the ILO since the korea-EU free trade agreement was signed. Because in order to break this deadlock, relevant scholars have done a lot of research, but mainly focused on the economic and trade field. Therefore, this paper for the first time systematically studies the substantive focus of disputes over FTA and ILO clauses, and carefully analyzes the domestic law amended by South Korea, and provides suggestions and inspirations for China by drawing lessons from the revision model of South Korea's domestic law. This is from a newperspective: the essence of the korea-EU FTA and ILO disputes is the conflict between international law and domestic law, and the conflict between free trade agreements and human rights protection. It holds that the essence of disputes should be sorted out from the perspective of legal principles and human rights protection, and the free trade and human rights protection should be actively coordinated. In order to make China more actively integrate into the international economy, China should adopt a positive attitude to revise and perfect its own laws, so as to realize the purpose of common development of international trade and human rights protection.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.187-203
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• 2021

Purpose - The purpose of this study is to analyze the effects of non-tariff barriers on the Free Trade Agreement. Currently, it has achieved significant export effects by signing free trade agreements with many countries in Korea. However, most countries have implemented non-tariff barriers to protect their industries. This study analyzes the effects of non-tariff barriers in counterpart countries that have signed a free trade agreement. Design/methodology/approach - For analysis, first, prior studies were summarized, and second, the current status of free trade agreements and non-tariff barriers were identified. And, based on the current situation, the relationship between non-tariff barriers and export volume was analyzed. The targets of analysis are the United States, China, and Vietnam, which are Korea's three largest exporters. As for non-tariff barriers, anti-dumping tariffs, countervailing tariffs, and emergency import restrictions were analyzed as import regulatory measures. Findings - In the case of the United States, it can be seen that the decline in textiles, steel and electronics sectors is even greater. In the case of China, it can be seen that exports declined after imposing non-tariff barriers in the steel sector. Finally, it can be seen that exports declined after Vietnam implemented a non-tariff barrier on the steel sector. It was found that non-tariff barriers offset the effects of the Free Trade Agreement. Research implications or Originality - Currently, Korea has free trade agreements with numerous countries. However, after the free trade agreement entered into force, the number of annual average import regulation investigations for Korean products is on the rise. In the end, the implementation of non-tariff barriers is offsetting the effects of free trade agreements. Therefore, when signing a free trade agreement, it is necessary to thoroughly prepare for import regulatory measures such as the insertion of provisions of non-tariff barriers.

• Journal of Korea Trade
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.33-56
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• 2022

Purpose - This paper explains how free trade agreements (FTAs) work as a building block to achieve global free trade and be better than other trade regimes. Design/methodology - This paper utilizes a trade liberalization game setup. Three countries choose a trade agreement strategy based on a given trade regime. Trade agreement is made only when all member countries agree. The paper evaluates each trade regime concerning FTAs and customs union (CU) by area size of global free trade equilibrium on the technology or demand gap between countries. Findings - FTAs make global free trade easier. In this game, there are two main reasons for failure to reach global free trade. First, a trade regime with FTAs makes non-member face difficulties in refusing trade agreements in the existence of a technology gap than a trade regime without FTAs. Also, a trade regime with FTAs causes it harder to exclude non-members in the existence of a demand gap than a trade regime with only CUs. Therefore, a trade regime with FTAs can work better in reaching global free trade. Originality/value - The concept of "implicit coordination" was used, which assumes that FTA members keep external tariffs for non-members the same as before an FTA. Without this consideration, FTA members lower their tariffs to non-members, and it makes non-member refuse free trade easier. FTA can prevent it sufficiently only with implicit coordination. This makes the trade regime with FTAs more effective to reach global free trade.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.243-260
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• 2013

The dominant academic literature about trade agreements maintains that they are only about national terms-of-trade manipulation and not at all about purely political concerns. Non-academic economists, commentators, and diplomats by contrast think that trade agreements are all about political concerns. There are two substantive and important distinctions between the two views. i Practitioners maintain that policymakers care virtually not at all about the terms of trade or about trade-tax revenue. ii Practitioners, unlike academics, maintain that trade-agreement negotiations themselves change the underlying political economy. Observation of actual trade policy measures, though not conclusive, suggests that the practitioners are right and that the academics are wrong.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.427-465
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• 2018

East Asia, for long the epitome of successful engagement in trade, faces serious challenges: technological change that may threaten the very model of labor intensive industrialization and a backlash against globalization that may reduce access to important markets. The analysis in this article suggests that how East Asia copes with these global challenges will depend on how it addresses three more proximate national and regional challenges. The first is the emergence of China as a global trade giant, which is fundamentally altering the trading patterns and opportunities of its neighbors. The second is the asymmetric implementation of national reform - in goods trade and investment versus services - which is affecting the evolution of comparative advantage and productivity in each country. The third is the divergence between the relatively shallow and fragmented agreements that regulate the region's trade and investment and the growing importance of regional and global value chains as crucial drivers of productivity growth.