• 한국지역지리학회지
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• 제21권3호
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• pp.474-488
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• 2015

국책사업의 하나로 추진되는 대규모 공공시설을 둘러싼 갈등은 우리나라가 겪는 많은 갈등에서 중요한 부분을 차지한다. 공공시설의 건설로 인한 환경파괴와 지역공동체의 해체 등에 대한 부정적인 인식이 증가하였고, 일자리와 기업의 투자를 기대할 수 있는 사업의 경우 지역 간 경쟁이 심화되었다. 이러한 이유로 지역 간 경쟁과 갈등은 기존 연구에서 자주 다루어져 왔다. 이를테면, 갈등을 최소화할 수 있는 행정적 절차 및 거버넌스, 이슈를 만들어내는 언론의 역할 등에 대한 다수의 연구가 존재한다. 본 연구는 갈등이 구성되는 공간적 방식을 분석한다. 동남권 신공항을 둘러싼 갈등의 공간적 스케일을 분석한 결과, 실제 신공항 입지에 따른 이익과 손해의 공간적 범역과 갈등의 주체가 되는 공간적 단위는 상이하였다. 또한, 사업의 진행 과정에서 갈등의 주체들은 이합집산을 통해 자신들의 이해관계를 관철시킬 수 있는 공간적 단위를 구성해가는 다양한 스케일의 정치를 보여주고 있다. 이는 지역개발을 둘러싼 갈등은 단순히 지역개발이라는 정책의 집행과 실천의 필연적 부산물이 아닌 지역정치의 역동성과 결합하는 과정으로 바라볼 필요가 있음을 보여준다.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• 제6권3호
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• pp.205-214
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• 2019

This paper aims to discover factors and their influences degree to repurchase organic cosmetic in Vietnam. In addition, this research also discloses the main segments that have high demand re-buying intention based on demographic groups of gender, age, income, educational level, job, type of products, and place of production. Twenty-eight scale was designed based on previous studies and adjusted to match the 5-point Likert scale to conduct measurement. By using survey method to test hypotheses and set up conceptual models to collect 295 Vietnamese consumers who have experience in consuming organic cosmetic by explain the results through Smart PLS software. The findings show that there is positive attitude of customers to the intention of acquiring organic cosmetics, green perceived and customer satisfaction. In addition, customer satisfaction, knowledge of products, safety values, and environmental protection consciousness also play important roles to form a positive attitude of customers for products. Moreover, the consciousness of green living of consumers accounts for a high proportion in creating customer satisfaction for organic products. The results show useful information for current premises to determine the factors that influence the decision to repurchase organic cosmetic product, that provide business strategies.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제18권12호
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• pp.456-467
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• 2018

본 연구는 양양국제공항 사례를 중심으로 정책실패의 반복 원인에 대하여 분석하였다. 2002년 개항한 양양국제공항은 약 3,600억원을 들여 건설하였으나, 공항 이용 객수 확보 실패 및 활성화 실패로 지방공항의 대표적 실패사례로 거론되고 있다. 정책실패 이론에 따라 합리주의적 관점, 정치적 관점, 환경복잡성 관점에 따라 양양국제공항의 실패요인을 분석한 결과 첫째, 합리주의적 관점에서 양양공항은 이용객 확보와 지역경제 활성화라는 정책목표 달성에 실패하였으며, 이는 정치권의 압력에 의한 사업추진과 지리적 인프라 부족에 기인한 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, 정치의 흐름에서의 이해관계자들의 갈등 조정 실패 양상은 항공사와 공항 간 갈등과 저가항공인 플라이양양 허가 및 지원금에 대한 정부와 공항 간의 갈등 조정 실패로 볼 수 있다. 셋째, 환경복잡성 관점에서 양양국제공항은 주변 고속도로, 철도 노선 개통과 한한령으로 인한 중국인 관광객 급감이라는 환경변화에 적응 실패로 볼 수 있다. 즉, 양양국제공항은 정책계획단계에서부터 합리적인 분석에 의해 무산된 사업임에도 불구하고 정치적으로 선거결과에 따라 지리적 인프라가 부족한 지역에 건설되었으며 운영 과정에서 항공사 및 정부 간의 갈등 조정에 실패하였고, 주변 교통시설 확충과 외부 환경적 요인에 적응하지 못한 것으로 볼 수 있다. 본 연구를 통해, 대규모 국책사업의 경우 정책결정자의 무리한 사업 추진을 막을 수 있는 독립적 기구의 설치, 공항이나 철도와 같은 교통시설의 경우 주변 인프라 및 관련 사업과의 연계 및 고려를 통한 사업 추진, 이해관계자들 간의 갈등조정을 위한 협력적 거버넌스의 제도화 등을 제언하였다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권39호
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• pp.5-46
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• 2016

North Korea's 4th nuclear test on Jan. 6 and following developments once again awakened the world into seriousness of the nuclear matters on the Korean peninsula. On March 2, UNSC adopted Resolution 2270 which is complemented by Seoul government's measures such as withdrawal from the Gaesung Industrial Complex (Feb. 9) and announcement of unilateral sanction (March 8). Seoul government also strongly urged the international community to strangle North Korea's 'financial resources.' The U.S., Japan, China, and other countries have issued unilateral sanctions to complement the UNSC measure. South Korea and the U.S. conducted their annual joint military drill (Resolve-Foal Eagle) in the largest-ever scale. North Korea, however, responded with demonstration of its nuclear capabilities and announcement of de facto 'nuclear-first' politics. North Korea test-fired a variety of delivery vehicles, threatened nuclear strikes against South Korea and the U.S., and declared itself as an 'invincible nuclear power armed with hydrogen bombs' at the 7th Workers 'Party Congress held in May, 2016. Considering the circumstantial evidences, the North's 4th nuclear test may have been a successful boosted fission bomb test. North Korea, and, if allowed to go on with its nuclear programs, will become a nuclear power armed with more than 50 nuclear weapons including hydrogen bombs. The North is already conducting nuclear blackmail strategy towards South Korea, and must be developing 'nuclear use' strategies. Accordingly, the most pressing challenge for the international community is to bring the North to 'real dialogue for denuclearization through powerful and consistent sanctions. Of course, China's cooperation is the key to success. In this situation, South Korea has urgent challenges on diplomacy and security fronts. A diplomatic challenge is how to lead China, which had shown dual attitudes between 'pressure and connivance' towards the North's nuclear matters pursuant to its military relations with the U.S, to participate in the sanctions consistently. A military one is how to offset the 'nuclear shadow effects' engendered by the North's nuclear blackmail and prevent its purposeful and non-purposeful use of nuclear weapons. Though South Korea's Ministry of Defense is currently spending a large portion of defense finance on preemption (kill-chain) and missile defense, they pose 'high cost and low efficiency' problems. For a 'low cost and high efficiency' of deterrence, South Korea needs to switch to a 'retaliation-centered' deterrence strategy. Though South Korea's response to the North's nuclear threat can theoretically be boiled down into dialogue, sanction and deterrence, now is the time to concentrate on strong sanction and determined deterrence since they are an inevitable mandatory course to destroy the North' nuclear-first delusion and bring it to a 'real denuclearization dialogue.'

• 대한지리학회지
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• 제40권5호
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• pp.473-490
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• 2005

혼성성(hybridity)' 이라는 용어는 최근 초국적 이주자들과 같은 유목민적 주체들에 관심을 가지는 사회이론적 연구들의 주요용어로 등장하였다. 특히, 탈식민주의적 정치와 관련하여, 혼성성은 담론의 경계에 도전하고 권력이 내재화된 역사와 문화를 비판적인 차원에서 새롭게 기술할 수 있는 제3의 공간을 제공할 수 있을 것으로 인식되고 있다. 그러나 본 논문은 혼성적인 주체의 위치성이 오히려 새로운 문화 담론을 생산하고 새로운 헤게모니를 잉태하는 데에 용이하게 작용할 수 있음을 지적한다. 본 논문은 의도된 의식적 혼성성을 경험된 유기적 혼성성으로부터 분리함으로써 탈식민주의에서 혼성성의 정치가 가지는 이중적 본질을 살펴보고자 한다. 경험적인 수준에서, 본 연구는 로스앤젤레스 한인타운에 입지한 '영빈관' 이라는 레스토랑의 시대공간적 변화를 혼성성의 관점에서 읽음으로써 어떻게 탈정치화된 민족성을 드러낼 수 있는가에 주목한다. 둘째, 본 논문의 후반부에서는 지난 10여 년간 로스앤젤레스 한인타운 내에서 새로운 헤게모니를 형성하고 있는 한국계 엘리트 및 전문가 계급들이 소위 '1.5세대' 라는 혼성성의 담론을 통하여 어떻게 그들의 정치적인 지위를 강화하는가에 주목한다. 결론적으로 본 논문은 혼성성이 새로운 대안으로서의 제3의 정치적 지위를 욕망하기보다는 사회공간적 경계들에 도전하는 비판전략의 하나로서 '스스로를 해체하기 위한 개념'으로 이해되어 야 함을 지적한다.

• KSII Transactions on Internet and Information Systems (TIIS)
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• 제16권8호
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• pp.2571-2586
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• 2022

The rapid popularity of government social media has generated huge amounts of text data, and the analysis of these data has gradually become the focus of digital government research. This study uses Python language to analyze the big data of the Chinese provincial government Weibo. First, this study uses a web crawler approach to collect and statistically describe over 360,000 data from 31 provincial government microblogs in China, covering the period from January 2018 to April 2022. Second, a word separation engine is constructed and these text data are analyzed using word cloud word frequencies as well as semantic relationships. Finally, the text data were analyzed for sentiment using natural language processing methods, and the text topics were studied using LDA algorithm. The results of this study show that, first, the number and scale of posts on the Chinese government Weibo have grown rapidly. Second, government Weibo has certain social attributes, and the epidemics, people's livelihood, and services have become the focus of government Weibo. Third, the contents of government Weibo account for more than 30% of negative sentiments. The classified topics show that the epidemics and epidemic prevention and control overshadowed the other topics, which inhibits the diversification of government Weibo.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• 제7권9호
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• pp.209-217
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to investigate the development and determinants of China-ASEAN trade relations over the period of 2000-2018. Employing both the qualitative and quantitative approaches, the results show that the trade relations between China and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) have remarkably developed and rapidly grown over times, with a significantly important concentration on the segments of high technological and medium technological products. We also find that China's economic scale is crucially impacting on the China-ASEAN trade relations under both the aggregate and sub-sector level. It is interesting to notice that there is no evidence to support accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) and officially forming of ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement (ACFTA) to enhance trade relation between both sides. The findings also quantitatively indicate that there is much significant potential for the expansion of mutual trade between China and some members of ASEAN such as Brunei, Laos and Malaysia, while less potential is predicted for other members of ASEAN. It is strongly suggested that China and ASEAN should find a new proactive approach and make more efforts in improving the mutual political trusts to enhance trading activities in the coming years.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• 제8권7호
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• pp.613-623
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• 2021

This study aims to identify the effect of blue ocean leadership style on strategic decision making and it also aims to examine the mediating role of organizational politic and moderating role of emotional intelligence in the Government Link Companies (GLCs) in Malaysia. In order to achieve the objective of the study, a research framework had been developed to establish a relationship among the variables of the study based on resource-based view theory. Questionnaire method was used to collect the data form middle to top level employees in GLCs. All the items in the study's variables were assessed using the 5-point Likert scale. A stratified random sampling technique was used to identify the sample for this study. Data was derived from 135 middle to top level employees, which were involved in decision making process. The data was analyzed using the SPSS and the SmartPLS 3.0 software. This supplemented the theory surrounding blue ocean leadership styles and strategic decision making. The study also identified several avenues for further research by using different research methods and examining the impact of strategic decision making in different contexts.

• 유통과학연구
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• 제13권5호
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• pp.23-31
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• 2015

Purpose - This study investigated competitive counteractions necessary for continuous growth in a rapidly changing logistics environment in Northeast Asia. Research Design, Data, and Methodology - Using a time series analysis, the study first investigated Northeast Asian trade scale and volume by examining online and offline material from the Ministry of Ocean and Fisheries, Busan Port Authority, and other government agencies. A literature survey was done to investigate the state and prospect of the logistics environment in Northeast Asia including changes in freight volume at major ports in the three Northeast Asian countries. Result - The results of the study suggest using the Trans-Korean Railroad (TKR), as well as promoting the North Pole and South Pole routes, to compete against changes in trade volume and the logistics environment in Northeast Asia. A SWOT analysis was done to examine the effectiveness of these strategies. Conclusions - The findings indicate that the TKR impact, using the Busan Port connecting the Trans-China Railway (TCR), the Trans-Siberian (TSR), and the North Pole Route, may be uncertain in practice considering the uncertainty in international politics.

• 수완나부미
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• 제5권2호
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• pp.67-80
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• 2013

A widely shared view identifies civil society with the set of nonprofit or nongovernmental organizations. This tradition reflects a long history of social theory viewed in institutional terms. Myanmar society has developed, mainly based on Buddhist culture and tradition. Buddhist practice necessitates public validation within an economy of merit in which moral action earns future rewards. Myanmar private voluntary associations have, since ancient times, played a vital role in achieving social purposes. Buddhist monasteries were the main education institutions in Myanmar. Until today, monastic schools, or monastic education centers as they are often called, have been the most important civil-society institutions bridging the accessibility gap in the state-run education system in government-controlled areas. Apart from social or community based that serve for public health in Myanmar there has been a number of religious organizations serving for the same. Moreover there appeared an association to very differently help those who need much urgent help. Since military coup in 1962, however, successive regimes have sought to stamp out civil society and permit only state-controlled organizations. Civil society re-emerged during the nation-wide pro-democracy demonstrations in 1988. After 1988 civil societies are allowed as like a political party to form. Now a day some civil societies have worked to start small-scale projects addressing local problems, but they must stay clear of politics.