• 대한가정학회지
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• 제27권2호
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• pp.21-30
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• 1989

The U.S. response to increased international competition was examined in the present study in order to have more comprehensive understanding of the U.S. textile and clothing market. The method employed to conduct the study was the analysis of the written materials, interview with professionals, and the survey of the actual situations of the U.S. textile and apparel industries. The results are summarized as follows; 1. Official U.S. textile and apparel trade policy has been quite has been quite protective since 1950's. The protective trend has been embodied in Japan Cotton Textile Export Control (reciprocal trade agreement signed by the U.S. and Japan in 1957), Short Term Arrangement Regarding International Trade in Cotton Textiles, Long Term Cotton Textile Arrangement (1962∼1973), and Multi-fiber Arrangement (1974∼). Other governmental programs designed to improve the competitiveness of the U.S. textile and apparel industries include Long-term Textile and Apparel Products Export-expansion Program, and 807 Trade to take labor cost advantage. 2. Along with the quite protective governmental trade policy, the corporate responses have been made such as new sourcing mixes, investment in technology, specialization in the textile and apparel industries, and recent strategies pursued by retailer's. The apparel industry was subject to pressure from imports that increased at moderate levels, and the U.S. textile and apparel industries have made extensive efforts to adjust to the increasing competition from abroad. The textile and apparel industries have taken steps to increase labor productivity through automation, to speed management to create and introduce new products and new methods, and have lowered indirect overhead costs. Several industrywide promotion campaigns have attempted to establish a greater public awareness of international competition and to develop a preference for apparel produced in the United States. 3. Regarding these response of the U.S. and other situations of world textile and apparel trade market, much of the sense of crisis that pervades Korean textile and apparel industries has to do with the problem of adjusting government and corporate policy. Textile and apparel industry of Korea faces on going pressure to reduce costs, improve quality, increase service, develop new markets, diversify, and differentiate itself from its foreign competitors. The strategies that have been adopted in the past have generally worked in the past, but the time has come to adopt strategies that reflect present conditions. If this is not done, then we stand to lose large segments of these industries, which once lost will not easily be regenerated.

• 통상정보연구
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.333-353
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• 2007

This paper is to explore that there are structural problems in the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agrement negotiation by examining the Korean FTA policy and to introduce some alternatives to overcome them. The structural problem stems in part from the inefficient system in FTA policy making and its implementation. Most importantly, there is a lack of ex-ante consensus building among stake-holders. As an alternative to the current FTA policy, we suggest two things. First, we argue that an FTA negotiation strategy should correspond to Korea's overall industrial development strategy. Second, the National Assembly should play an important part for enforce of trade policies as a tool for advancing a comprehensive strategic measures.

• Journal of Korea Trade
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• 제23권7호
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• pp.83-95
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• 2019

Purpose - This study analyzed the effect of the Trump Government's protectionist trade policies on foreign ownership. Specifically, this study empirically analyzes the hypothesis that foreign ownership will decrease after the Trump Government rather than before the Trump Government. Design/methodology - The hypothesis of this study is based on the expectation that US protection trade policy will negatively affect the profitability of Korean companies. The dependent variable in this study is the foreign ownership ratio, and the independent variable is a dummy variable representing before and after the Trump Government. Multiple regression analysis was performed, including the control variables suggested in previous studies related to foreign ownership. Findings - As a result, foreign ownership increased after the Trump Government rather than before the Trump Government. This study further analyzes whether the main variables affecting foreign investor's decision-making are differences before and after Trump Government. The export ratio, profitability and dividends did not differ before and after Trump Government. However, the level of information asymmetry decreased after the Trump Government than before the Trump Government. This suggests that US protection trade policies do not adversely affect the profitability of Korean companies. However, Korean firms are improving their information environment because US protectionist trade policies can lower profitability and negatively impact capital raising. In this regard, the foreign ownership ratio seems to differ before and after the Trump Government. Originality/value - This study contributes in that it presents data that US protectionist policies can affect Korean corporate governance. This study has implications from the short-term analysis of US protection trade policy.

• 미국학
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• 제44권2호
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• pp.35-65
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• 2021

U.S. lawmakers tend to organize sub-party groups focusing on regions, ideologies, policies, and foreign affairs. Examples include the conservative Freedom Caucus loyal to Trump and the Congressional Black Caucus promoting the interests of African Americans. Then how do these legislative groups affect the making of U.S. foreign policy? Paying special attention to the Korea caucus in U.S. Congress, we have analyzed the sources and processes of congressional caucus and foreign policy and have learned that structures and activities of the caucuses differ from one another. The Korea caucus seems to be a bipartisan group that focuses on issues such as trade, travel, and troubles provoked by Pyongyang. However, the Korea caucus is not really a solid voting bloc for policy alternatives; it is instead more of a constituency-oriented legislative group that prioritizes local interests. This research underscores the need for systematic and comprehensive study of U.S. legislative politics and foreign policy.

• Asian Journal of Innovation and Policy
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.195-211
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• 2021

This paper measures the economic impacts of the U.S. port investment strategies coping with the Panama Canal expansion. Using secondary import data, negative and positive estimates of the impacts were presented in this study. Reduced port activities into the West Coast Customs Districts negatively affect transportation and warehousing industries, among other effects. Still, they have simultaneous positive effects in other states from increased imports resulting from modal shifts and changes in the entry port located in the South and East coasts. This study applied the supply-driven National Interstate Economic Model that measures all interstate trade among the U.S. states to divert foreign imports from 15 Pacific Rim countries. For this purpose, the following assumption was adopted: larger ships using the canal will lead to a redirection of seaborne trade among U.S. (and other) ports and result in secondary effects, e.g., using different freight modes and regional growth spillovers. This study also accounted for the entry point change and significant port investments for foreign trade under alternative scenarios. The choice of ports for international trade depends on decisions about how to minimize multimodal delivery costs. The total direct reduction of transportation and warehousing activities associated with foreign imports in the West Coast ports was estimated at $3.3 billion, leading to total negative effects of $5.8 billion. Total positive impacts from the shift of transportation modes with the choice of an entry port and new warehousing activities for foreign imports in the selected 12 states varied. As expected, states that involved an entry port had the most prominent benefits, but Texas, New York, and New Jersey may be benefited through all the port enhancement projects in the U.S. Also, except for Transportation and Postal, and Warehousing industries, Construction is another dominant positive affected industry of the Canal expansion in the U.S.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제18권2호
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• pp.92-102
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• 2018

본 연구는 트럼프 행정부 이후 보호무역이 강화되는 시점에 미국의TPP 탈퇴로 기존 TPP 협정 체결국 중 베트남을 중심으로 한국 통상 정책의 변화와 영향에 대해 연구를 하였다. 한국은 자유무역과 자유경제 시장의 흐름으로 경제 성장과 발전에 많은 성과와 결과물을 이루어냈고 이후에도 통상으로 국력을 더욱 공고히 해야만 한다. 그러나 외부환경은 보호주의로 통상정책을 시행하려는 강대국이 많지만 정량적으로 경제의 기반을 무역에 두고 있어 자유무역주의를 더욱 발전시켜야할 위치에 있는 것이다. 따라서 자유무역주의의 흐름이 계속되고, 세계화가 지속된다면 현재 진행 중이던 TPP가 미국의 탈퇴 이후 한국은 어떤 방향으로 나아갈 수 있을지를 고찰하여 다음과 같은 시사점을 제시하였다. 첫째로 생산비용이 저렴한 국가를 활용한 공급망 구축이다. 둘째로 일본과 대미 수출 경쟁관계에 있는 품목은 GVC를 활용한 경쟁력을 확보하여야 할 것이다. 셋째로 동남아 시장 전초 기지 역할을 할 수 있도록 중간재의 생산과 판매 거점을 확보하는 것 등을 제시하였다. 그리고 본 연구는 문헌 연구를 중심으로 하였다.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• 제40권1호
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• pp.45-66
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• 2018

This paper measures the extent of comovements in stock returns between Korea and three major countries (China, Japan and the U.S.) using industry-level data for Korea from 2003 to 2016 in the spirit of the international capital asset pricing model. It also examines what drives the comovements between Korea and the three countries. We find that the comovements of Korean stock returns with those of the U.S. and Japan became smaller after the global financial crisis. In contrast, the comovement in stock returns between Korea and China became larger after the crisis. After an additional analysis, we conclude that trade linkage is the main driver of the comovements between Korea and the three countries.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• 제16권3호
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• pp.249-272
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• 2012

This paper examines how a Korean automobile firm price-discriminates between the Korean and the U.S. markets. We argue that a Korean automobile firm's pricing behavior depends on the differences in price elasticity over the segmented markets between the countries. Our findings are that differences in price elasticity may help explain why a medium-class car's price is higher in Korea than that in the U.S. while a small-sized car's price is higher in the U.S. than in Korea, which implies that a Korean automobile firm $3^{rd}$ degree price-discriminates on the same or similar products between Korea and the U.S. This type of $3^{rd}$ degree price discrimination differs from a typical home-bias effect (charging higher prices to domestic consumers) because a small-sized car which is produced domestically sells at higher price abroad. This finding can be added as a source that violates the law of one price.

• 무역학회지
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• 제46권4호
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• pp.39-60
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• 2021

Despite the fast growth and rising importance of digital trade, there still exists no multilateral agreement governing digital trade. Significant differences in policy directions regarding key digital trade issues among the U.S., EU and China are the main stumbling blocks for reaching agreement on the multilateral front. To overcome this deficiency in digital trade rules, there has been active movement among mainly countries in the Asia-Pacific region for rule-making on digital trade. Starting with the CPTPP chapter on E-Commerce in 2018, there has been a series of digital trade rules agreed in bilateral or plurilateral formats, such as the USMCA, USJDTA, DEPA, DEA and RCEP. Korea is currently only member of RCEP, which contains an e-commerce chapter with lower levels of commitment as compared to other digital trade agreements. This paper provides a broad analysis of the recently concluded digital trade agreements, comparing the different coverage of rules, levels of commitment, and rules templates. The analysis aims to provide implications for the desirable direction of rule-making on digital trade and Korea's digital trade strategy.

• 한국항만경제학회지
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• 제36권4호
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• pp.93-106
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• 2020

무역은 국가 경제에 중요한 경제활동이다. 특히, WTO 출범 이후 2001년 중국의 WTO 가입, 다자간 무역체계의 확립, 자유무역협정(FTA) 등으로 무역의 범위가 확대되고, 국가 간 무역장벽의 완화 및 통합화로 인해 무역시장의 규모가 확대되고 있다. 그러나 무역시장 규모가 확대됨에도 불구하고, 2008년 글로벌 금융위기, 2016년 브렉시트, 2018년 미·중 무역전쟁과 같은 극단적인 사건 발생하여 무역시장이 직접적으로 타격받고 있다. 이에 본 연구는 무역활동을 대변하는 변수인 국제 해운 운임지수와 미국, 중국 무역 불확실성 사이의 의존구조를 분석 하였다. 분석 결과를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 미국, 중국 무역 불확실성과 국제 해운 운임지수 조합의 결합분포가 각각 Frank copula, rotated Clayton copula 270°으로 나타나, 미국, 중국 국가별로 동일한 분포 구조를 보이는 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, Kendall's tau 상관관계를 살펴보면, 국제 해운 운임지수와 미국, 중국 무역 불확실성 사이에 음(-)의 의존성을 갖지만, 의존성 정도는 중국 무역 불확실성과 국제 해운 운임지수의 조합에서 더 크게 나타났다. 즉, 전 세계 수요와 무역 불확실성의 의존성은 미국보다 중국이 더 강하다는 것을 확인하였다. 마지막으로, 꼬리 의존성 결과를 살펴보면, 미국, 중국 무역 불확실성과 국제 해운 운임지수가 서로 독립적인 관계로 나타났다. 이는 무역 불확실성의 극단적인 사건 혹은 국제 해운 운임지수의 극단적인 사건이 발생해도 서로 영향을 받지 않는 것으로 의미한다.