• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제29권2호
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• pp.55-78
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• 2016

Objectives : The goal of this paper is to research what the name and concept of true-cold damage in Introduction to Medicine were originated from, and to trace the origin and changes of categorization of it after the book. Methods : Books concerned with true-cold damage were collected as many as possible, besides ones that Introduction to Medicine referred to, before the name, concept and categorization of it were searched and analysed. Results : The concept of true-cold damage in Introduction to Medicine, which had come from Lei Zheong Huo Ren Shu(類證活人書) in Song dynasty, was more similar to one of cold damage in a broad sense. The name that Li Chan appreciated, was derived from not Shang Han Zhi Ge(傷寒直格), but Shang Han Zheng Zhi Ming Tiao(傷寒證治明條) in Song dynasty. On the other hand, since Tao Hua(陶華) began to go into the details of cold damage in a narrow sense, most books had followed it. Whereas 11 diseases among 24 diseases of true-cold damage in Introduction to Medicine indirectly came from Lei Zheong Huo Ren Shu(12 diseases), 14 diseases among them were directly derived from Shang Han Zheng Zhi Ming Tiao(16 diseases) and 10 diseases were added containing syndromes of retained fluid and jaundice. The categorization in Introduction to Medicine scarcely adopted except Donguibogam(東醫寶鑑) and Uimunbogam(醫門寶鑑), while the categorization of true-cold damage in a narrow sense was mostly composed of 2 diseases, that is cold damage(傷寒) and wind damage(傷風). Conclusions : Li Chan had fulfilled the total conditions in which the concept, cause, symptoms, prescriptions and prognosis of 24 diseases in true-cold damage were equipped, in order to build up the system and categorization of it. To our regret, his scientific outcome had been hardly referred after his book.

• 한국수학사학회지
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• 제25권4호
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• pp.1-10
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• 2012

중국의 명수법은 기록은 구어체를 사용하고, 계산은 산대를 사용하는 이중 구조를 가지고 있었다. 또 산서는 실생활의 문제만 다루는 과정에서 수학적 구조를 나타내는 방법을 택하여 계산 과정을 제외하면 이들에서 취급한 수는 모두 명수(名數)들이어서 순수한 수론의 발전을 이룰 수 없었다. 송대에 0의 도입과 함께, 천원술의 표현에서 나타나는 계수를 산대로 표시하는 방법을 통하여, 산대가 계산 도구와 함께 추상수의 기수법(記數法)이 되는 과정을 밝힌다. 수량의 단위를 사용한 소수의 표현도 이 과정에서 산대 표현으로 대치되었다. 그러나 명대에 산대 계산이 주산으로 대치되고 천원술이 잊히게 되어 추상수의 개념도 함께 잊히게 되었다. 청대의 산학자 심사계(沈士桂)가 저서 간첩이명산법(簡捷易明算法)에서 분수의 소수표시와 계산을 하는 과정에서 순환소수를 인지하고 이들의 계산법을 확립한 것도 보인다.

• 한국의상디자인학회지
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• 제9권3호
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• pp.1-17
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• 2007

This study is a review of Ipsik, the decorative ornaments found on traditional Korean horsehair hats, known as Ipja, which were worn by men in the late Joseon Dynasty. In a broad sense, Ipsik are regarded as men's accessories. Therefore, although this study is limited to Ipja, it is significant in the sense that it delves into one facet of men's accessories in detail. Because the appearance of the horsehair hats was rather mundane, Ipsik and Ibyeong were added as ornaments. During the Joseon period, various types of hat ornaments existed, named Maeksu, Hosu, Gongjagu, Sangmo, Jingdori, Ijeon, Guyeongja and Ibyeong. A person's social ranking and class could be discerned by the materials used in the Ipsik he wore. Jeongja, a decorative accessory used to attach to an official's hat, was institutionalized in the sixteenth year of King Gongmin's reign(1367), during the Goryeo Dynasty, prior to the founding of China's Ming Dynasty in 1368, which indicates that Jeongja were influenced by the Yuan Dynasty. A record in Lao Chi'ta (a textbook of spoken Chinese estimated circa 1346) confirms this fact. Based on a review of literature, we learn that just as with Ongno, Jeongja were imported for use on Jeonrip, a soldier's hat. During the Ching Dynasty, Jeongja were further subdivided and more exquisitely designed. On the other hand, in the Joseon Dynasty, a rule was handed down mandating that a royal prince use gold for his jeongja, officials at third rank or above use silver, and governors, commanders in chief, and officials with the Office of Inspector General and Office of Censor General use jade. Inspectors were permitted to use crystal. Jeongja made of jade were used until the late Joseon Dynasty.

• 동양고전연구
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• 제37호
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• pp.189-216
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• 2009

두보(杜甫)의 <음중팔선가(飮中八仙歌)>와 이를 화제(畵題)로 삼아 회화화(繪?化)한 시의도(詩意圖) 3편과, 원텍스트를 패러디한 <음중팔선도(飮中八仙圖)>를 다시 원텍스트로 삼아 패러디한 세편의 서발(序跋)을 살펴보면서 시라는 양식의 원텍스트가 그림이라는 양식으로, 다시 산문이라는 양식으로 그 모습을 바꾸면서 패러디되는 모습을 보았다. 개원(開元) 천보(天寶) 연간에 취중기행(醉中奇行)로 유명했던 여덟 명의 기인(奇人)을 노래한 두보(杜甫)의 <음중팔선가(飮中八仙歌)>는 많은 화가들에 의해 사랑받는 화제(畵題)가 되어 송(宋) 원(元) 명(明) 청(淸), 조선(朝鮮), 일본(日本) 등지에서 <음중팔선도(飮中八仙圖)>로 다시 태어났다. 이처럼 화가가시에 대한 해석을 회화적으로 재창조한 것을 시의도(詩意圖)라고 하는데 시의도(詩意圖)는 이미 존재하는 시를 전제로 하고 있으므로 이 둘 사이에는 원텍스트와 패러디 텍스트라는 관계가 성립한다. 두보의 마음에 공명한 화가들의 그림 3점, 명대(明代) 우구(尤求)의 <음중팔선도(飮中八仙圖)>, 조선(朝鮮) 김홍도(金弘道)의 <두보시의신선도(杜甫詩意神仙圖)>, 일본모모야마(桃山)시대의 가이호유쇼(海北友松)의 <음중팔선도(음중팔선도(飮中八仙圖)>를 살펴보며 원텍스트를 반복하면서도 각 화가의 개성에 따른 차이를 고찰하였다. 언어로 표현된 <음중팔선가(飮中八仙歌)>를 원텍스트로 삼아 패러디한 시의도(詩意圖) <음중팔선도(飮中八仙圖)>는 문인들이 그림에 부친 서문(序文) 및 제발문(題跋文)을 통해 다시 언어화된 텍스트로 패러디되었다. 화가의 마음에 공명한 조선의 세 문인 이덕무(李德懋), 박제가(朴齊家), 이봉환(李鳳煥)의 서발(序跋)을 통해 <음중팔선가(飮中八仙歌)>가 어떻게 변주되는지 살펴보았다. 이를 통해 원텍스트와 연속적인 관계에 의한 반복과 각 작가의 독자적인 해석에 의한 차이를 알 수 있었는데, 이덕무(李德懋)는 집정자에 대한 경계로, 이봉환은 회재불우(懷才不遇)한 현인(賢人)으로, 박제가는 현세의 규율을 초월한 천연(天然)스러운 선계(仙界)를 꿈꾸게 하는 대자유인으로 음중팔선(飮中八仙)을 이해하였음을 알 수 있었다.

• 한국의류학회지
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• 제18권1호
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• pp.101-112
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• 1994

The objectives of this study are to find out the process of changes of the costume in the era of practical science, and to search the bukhak's view of the costume. Conclusions are described as follows 1. The bukhak pursued the function and the rationality in men's costumes, and healed with the welfare point of view in the commons and humbles clothes, and criticized the phenomenon of over-fashion in women's costume. 2. They contended for thrift against the luxury. But as they had also a modem thinking at the same time, they seemed to have a flexibility. Therefore they persued the essential courtesy in manners and costume. 3. The common people of Yi dynasty had the idea that Yi dynasty is a small China replace by Ming dynasty. But the bukhak had a self-existent standpoint and a realistic idea to the Ch'ing dynasty. But they would have received the Minis culture as the reactionism in the costume. Chinese envied or ridiculed the korean costume. 4. It was the pursuit of the rationality that the Bukhak presented the direction of the costume. They contended for the growth of the business and the development of technique in order to reform the clothing industry.

• 천문학회지
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• 제56권2호
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• pp.137-147
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• 2023

Shoushili was the official calendrical method promulgated in 1280 CE by the Yuan dynasty. It contains a list of the angular spans in right ascensions for the 28 lunar lodges. They are known to have been measured by Guo Shoujing with his advanced instruments with an unprecedented precision or reading error of 5'. Such precise data are useful to determine their observational epoch with an error range which is narrow enough to pinpoint on which historical occasion they were observed. Using the precise SIMBAD data based on eDR3 of GAIA and carefully identified determinative stars and considering the precession of equinoxes and proper motions, we apply linear regression methods to those data and obtain the observational epoch of 1271 ± 16 CE and the measurement error of 4.1'. We also have polar distances corresponding to declinations written in another manuscript of the Ming dynasty. Since the two data sets have similar significant digits, they were suggested to have the same origin. However, we obtain their observational epoch of 1364±5 CE and the measurement error of 5.7'. They must have been measured with different instruments and on a different occasion from the observations related to Shoushili. We review the history of the calendrical reform during the 13th century in the Yuan dynasty. We conclude that the observational epoch obtained from lodge spans in Shoushili agrees with the period of observations led by Guo Shoujing or 1276-1279 CE, which is also supported by the fact that the ecliptic lodge span values listed in Shoushili were calculated from the equatorial lodge spans.

• 한국의사학회지
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• 제33권2호
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• pp.105-127
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• 2020

The three major medical compilations of the Joseon Dynasty, Hyangyak-jipseongbang, Uibang-yuchwi, and Dongui-bogam, directly cited a total of 376 kinds of medical books. Among them, 11 medical books were commonly referred: Gyeongheom-yangbang, Deukyobang, Saminbang, Seonmyeongnon, Seongje-chongnok, Seonghyebang, Eoui-chwaryo, Yeongnyu-geombang, Wisaeng-bogam, Cheongeumbang, and Tangaek-boncho. Most of them were medical classics and formularies representing the period from the Song to the early Ming Dynasties, which most likely influenced the establishment of Joseon's medical tradition throughout the Joseon Dynasty. The reason why the majority of the medical reference books was formularies seems to be that prescription practices and the use of medicinals value knowledge with accumulated experience over a long period, whereas medical ideas and doctrines change with time. Besides, except for Eoui-chwaryo compiled in the Goryeo Dynasty, the three significant compilations referred to Chinese medical books, which indicates that the compilers made efforts to accommodate the newly introduced foreign knowledge. At the same time, the former compilations, Hyangyak-jipseongbang and Uibang-yuchwi, later appeared as primary references in Dongui-bogam's Medical Formularies of Successive Generations. However, in order to avoid overlapping the same contents, the compilers tried to form a differentiated version by extracting only the unique contents.

• 한국생활과학회지
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• 제13권4호
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• pp.617-623
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• 2004

This research studies how a rain coat (兩衣) had developed in ancient China by searching through historic records. It can be said that people in ancient China wore two kinds of rain coats: straw coat and oiled-cloth coat (油衣). Straw coat was originally used in the Spring and Autumn and Warring States period. Then, people used natural grasses to make it. As the overall production had increased, various kinds of rain coats began to appear in Tang (唐) Dynasty, and the straw coat itself became elaborate. In Song (宋) and Yuan (元) Dynasty, the straw coat was used for the army, and when it came to be Ming (明) and Qing (淸) age, wearing it was considered a symbol of hermit. The straw coat shows the early form in the history of clothing, which was mostly put on by the poor. The material for straw coat was the grass which grows up in wet land area. People in the city and in the country had worn the straw coat for a long time. As foreign cultures were introduced, however, it disappeared first in cities and later in the country. The oiled-cloth coat was another of the kind. Its major material was water-proofed silk in the Qin(泰) and Han(漢) Dynasty. Also, it was a favorite of an emperor or aristocrats. Common people put on straw coat until the time the western rain coat was introduced and accepted in Qing Dynasty.

• 대한한방내과학회지
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• 제18권2호
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• pp.40-52
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• 1997

1. Xiaoke(消渴) had been defined symptoms as polyuria with polydysia in Han and Dang Dynasty(漢唐時代), diagnosed variable disease as to the region of typical symptoms in Jin and Yuan Dynasty(金元時代) and classified into Upper-jiao(上消), Middle-jiao(中消), Lower-jiao(下消) by typical symptoms in Ming and Qing Dynasty(明淸時代). 2. The complications of Xiaoke(消渴) consist of carbuncle and phlegmon(癰疽), hemorrhoid and diarrhea(痔疾), an eye disease(眼病) such as nyctalopia(雀目) and cataract(內障) without Zhongman and Guzhang(中滿鼓脹) resulted from wrong medical treatmentis considered the pathology of Huore(火熱) 3. The pathology of Xiaoke(消渴) has been taken an instance of Shen-zao(腎燥), Five zang-organs's ganzao(五臟乾燥), Zao-re(燥熱), Shi-huo(實火) and Xu-huo(虛火), and since Jin and Yuan Dynasty(金元時代) generally cosidered Zao-re(燥熱). 4 The complications of Xiaoke(消渴) are explained the pathology of Huore(火熱), in the an opinion that the the pathology of Huore(火熱) changed into Zao-re(燥熱), and then Zao(燥), the pathology of Xiaoke(消渴) is similar to Huo(火), the pathology of Jungpung(中風).

• 대한가정학회지
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• 제41권5호
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• pp.193-203
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• 2003

Magoja is a jacket for men and women. Magoja was worn between the jacket, jogori and the coat durumagi; that is over the jacket and under the coat. In the 19th century, Daewon-kun, who was wearing maqua, was in China and he came back to Korea. So, it was believed that the origin of magoja was from maqua from Qing. But, there were differences between magoja and maqua in their design. Therefore, I researched the origin of magoja and tried to know the design and the method of wearing magoja in the Chosun dynasty. The results are as follows. The design of magoja, especially its collar, was different from Chinese maqua. As analyzed above, it is difficult to regard the origin of magoja as deriving from Daewon-kun's maqua, which he wore when he went to Qing. Magoja-style jacket can be found from many old pictures. The collar of those jacket, whose style was waonsam-git unlike the present-day magoja, is consistent with the collar of sagyusam or baeja. And this kind of git style had existed for a long period of time as already studied in bangryungbangbi. Furthermore, the origin of this kind of jacket dated back to the maeksu of the Sung Dynasty; maek meaning Koguryo, maeksu was understood to indicate the style of the Koguryo jacket of short sleeves for the convenience of horseback riding. Maeksu, which varied in its kind and style, had been used as the equestrian clothes in China and was assumed to be particularly put on widely during the Yuan and Sung Dynasties. Maeksu continued to exist as daegeumeui during the Ming Dynasty but, later called magua, it was worn more widely ding the Qing Dynasty of the Manchus. This kind of maeksu or magua was the jacket which could be put on the coat and this style of wearing it during the Chosun Dynasty could be confirmed by the pictures. Therefore, magoja is not the jacket which was all of sudden derived from Qing's magua but one of traditional Korean clothes of the northern provinces which had existed for a long period of time. And magoja seemed to be put on more widely during the latter part of the Chosun Dynasty because of the influence of Qing's magua.