• 제목/요약/키워드: The Korean independence army

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조선의용대와 한국광복군 제1지대 군복 연구 (A Study on the Military Uniforms of the Korean Volunteer Corps and the 1st Branch of the Korean Independence Army)

  • 김정민;김창혁
    • 한국의류학회지
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    • 제47권4호
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    • pp.684-695
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    • 2023
  • The Korean Volunteer Corps (KVC) and the Korean Independence Army (KIA) were Korea's main armed forces that led the independence movement against Japan. KVC members were partly merged into the KIA as the army's first branch in 1942. This study examines two different styles of KVC military uniforms: one that complies with the Uniforms Act of the Army of the Chinese Nationalist government and one that uses the same style without a field cap and a belt. The KIA's first branch had three different uniforms: one similar to that of the KVC, one belonging to the KIA and following the Army Uniform Protocol, and one influenced by the U.S. Army. The KVC and the KIA's first branches had insignias representing their identity. The former wore a distinctive insignia with the corps' name, whereas the latter had a cap badge with Korean national symbols under the Army Insignia Protocol. KVC members who may have initially worn their previous uniform in the early days of joining the KIA later adopted the KIA style. This study is expected to offer basic resources to reproduce KVC and KIA military uniforms and verify the authenticity of related artifacts.

신홍균(신홍균(申洪均): 개명(改名) 신흘(申屹), 신굴(申矻)) 한의사의 생애와 독립운동 (Korean Medical Doctor Shin Hong-Gyun's Life and His Independence Movement)

  • 정상규;신민식
    • 한국의사학회지
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    • 제34권1호
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    • pp.31-46
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    • 2021
  • Shin Hong-Gyun and his family have been in medicine for many generations as Korean Medical Doctors (KMDs). In 1919 when Shin Hong-Gyun was participating in an independence movement in Jang-Baek-Hyun, his younger brother Shin Dong-Gyun was killed by Japanese military police forces. This tragic incident triggered Shin Hong-Gyun to establish an army for national independence called , holding 200 young men, to serve in armed struggle against the Japanese Government with Kim Jung-Geon in May, 1920. In March 1933, Shin Hong-Gyun, as a military surgeon, led his men to the Korean Independence Army to fight a battle. Once he became a member of the Korean Independence Army, he, in fact, participated in few battles: Sadohaja, Dong-Kyung-Sung, Deajeonjayeong. Daejeonjayeong was a waypoint that the Japanese military needed to pass through in order to reach the Wangcheong area. Shin Hong-Gyun's independence forces had to endure painful starvation and heavy rain while hiding in ambush for long periods of time until the Japanese military would appear. Due to its summer rainy season, rainwater overflowed into their trenches and was filled up to the waist. Even worse, food stockpiles were low and the Japanese army did not appear for longer time. Shin Hong-Gyun's entire team suffered severe hunger and extreme cold. At this critical moment, Shin Hong-Gyun used his expertise as a KMD to find edible black mushrooms that grow wild in the mountains and use them to feed his men. This event led to the victory of the independence army at the battle of Daejeonjayeong. The purpose of the paper is to inform and highlight the forgotten history of Shin Hong-Gyun who was, both, a Korean Medical Doctor and a military surgeon.

1920년대 항일 무장투쟁을 이끈 한의계 독립운동가들 (The Independence Activists in the field of Korean Medicine Leading the Anti-Japanese Armed Struggle in the 1920's)

  • 김명섭
    • 한국의사학회지
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    • 제36권2호
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    • pp.13-25
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    • 2023
  • Due to Japanese imperialism's invasion of Korea and the policy of exterminating national culture, many independence activists from Korean medicine participated in the Manchurian Independence Army activities and the fight for freedom. Kang Woo-kyu, who threw a bomb at the governor-General of Korea on September 2, 1919, can be cited as a leader who learned East Asian medicine. Kim Kwanje, who organized a secret organization by opening an East Asian medicine clinic in Gimhae, Gyeongsangnam-do, was involved in the struggle of the medical corps while working as a medical student. He is accused of providing a shelter by treating members of the Uiryeoldan. In 1919, the Manchurian Independence Army unit, which launched the March 1st Movement armed struggle, was established, and those who served as military doctors in various organizations can be found. Park Se-jung, who participated as an independent soldier at the age of 47, treated wounded soldiers and patients as a military doctor. A branch office was also created by raising military funds and participating in the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea. Jang Hyong was able to raise independent military funds, campaign for the provisional government's independence petition, and lecture across the country mostly disguised as an East Asian medicine doctor, which led to several imprisonments for "fraud charges under the guise of similar medical practices".

독립운동가 신홍균 한의사에 대하여 (Korean independence activist Hong-Kyun Shin)

  • 이상화
    • 한국의사학회지
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    • 제35권2호
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    • pp.69-82
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    • 2022
  • Shin Hong-gyun was born on August 20, 1881. The second son of Shin Tae-geom (申泰儉) in Sangsang-ri, Sinbukcheong-myeon, Bukcheong-gun,Hamgyeongnam-do. His family had been practicing East Asian medicine as a family business. At that time, the families of East Asian doctors who passed the general examination of the Joseon Dynasty had been continuing the East Asian medicine business from generation to generation. Starting with exile in North Gando in 1911, he was located in Wangga-dong, 17 Doo-gu, Changbaek-hyeon. In 1915, he met General Choi Un-san in Bongo-dong, treated the soldiers suffering from cellulitis, and participated in the training process to prepare for the upcoming anti-Japanese war. However, because of a growing difference of opinion with General Choi Woon-san, Shin Hong-gyun left Bono-dong after a year and mets Sorae Kim Jung-geon and joined the founding of Wonjonggyo and Daejindan, an anti-Japanese armed group. It is said that Shin Hong-gyun established many schools in Korean villages destroyed by the Gyeongshin disaster and 14 schools were established under the names of Wonjonggyo and Daejin. After the Japanese established the puppet Manchukuo in 1931, the Manchurian Defense Forces were formed. Koreans and Chinese immigrants to Manchuria worked together to carry out a joint Korean-Chinese anti-Japanese operation towards the Japanese Empire. In 1933, 50 of the Daejindan members joined the Korean Independence Army, and among them, Shin Hong-gyun began to work as a medical doctor in earnest. During an ambush in Daejeonryeong Valley, he could not get a proper meal and, to make matters worse, got wet in the rainy season, so the situation was a challenge in various ways. At this time, Shin Hong-gyun showed his knowledge of herbal medicine, picked black wood ear mushrooms that grew wild in the mountains, washed them in rain water, and provided food to the independence fighters and relieved them of hunger. After the Battle of Daejeon-ryeong, the Japanese army's suppression of the independence forces intensified, and most of the independence fighters escaped from the Chinese army's encirclement and were scattered. Ahn Tae-jin and others led the remaining units and continued the anti-Japanese armed struggle in the forest areas of Yeongan, Aekmok, Mokneung, and Milsan.

정지용의 월트 휘트먼 시 번역 작업의 목적: 일제 강점기와 해방 공간의 근본적 차이 (The Purpose of Walt Whitman's Poetry Translation by Chung Ji Young)

  • 정헌
    • 영미문화
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    • 제18권2호
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    • pp.79-104
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    • 2018
  • Chung Ji Yong is a well-known poet in the Japanese Occupation Period firstly as a lyrical and traditional poet as a member of the literary journal Simunhak(Poetry Literature) along with Park Yong Chul and Kim Young Rang and later as a prominent modernist poet in the late years of the Period. He is always highly estimated as a poet of pictorial images and lyricism, but his ardor for translations, especially Walt Whitman has been neglected so far. Before him, Ju Yohan, Yi Kwang Soo, Yi Un Sang, Kim Hyung Won and many other poets and critics had been interested in Whitman's democratic ideas and his poems. Chung Ji Young also translated Whitman's three poems in the hard days of 1930s. After the Imperial Japan surrendered to the Allied forces on 15 August 1945, ending 35 years of Japanese occupation, Korea was under the American forces and Russian troops. In this critical days of Korean's debating only one korea or separated Koreas, strangely enough, Chung ji Yong fully immersed in translating Whitman's poems only for four years as an English literature professor just before being abducted by North Korean Army, while almost discarding his own poetic ability and sense of duty as a leading poet in the literary circle with only just a few exceptions. Why did Chung Ji Yong focused on the translation of Whitman's poems in this important period as a poet and intellectual in the newly independent country? He may want to warn people too much ideological conflicts or at least express his frustration through translating Whitman's poems. Until now, academic endeavors on Chung Ji Yong's poems and life are focused on his lyrical and modernistic works of the Japanese Occupation Period and naturally little interested in the days of Independence period and his true motivations on translating Whitman's poems. As a proposal, this short article can be a minor trigger for the sincere efforts of Chung Ji Yong's last days.

현 대한민국 경찰의 수사교육과 미국, 독일 수사기관과의 비교 (The Comparison on the Investigative Training between the Current Korean National Police and the Law Enforcement Agencies of U.S.A. and Germany)

  • 김대식;이상한
    • 대한수사과학회지
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    • 제2권1호
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    • pp.52-80
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    • 2007
  • In the rapidly changing current society, the Korean National Police(KNP) is facing a lot of demands from the citizens like the protection of subject/victim rights, independence of investigation authority, disclosure of actual truth, and prevention & eradication of crimes. It is widely recognized among the Korean people and the police that the KNP is always standing for the rights of the people and it is high time that the KNP should be restored as the pioneer for the protection of human right. In this situation, the tremendous emphasis is given on the importance of investment in investigative training through the long-term master-plan in order to renovate its constitution, to level up its quality, and to cope with the highly sophisticated crime patterns. Korean police have already shown its outstanding investigative skills of identification of the deceased throughout large cases like Daegu subway arson and tsunami in Southeast Asia. In addition, the skills of cyber crime investigation are highly recognized by foreign law enforcement agencies. However, the investigative skills and abilities are being degraded and the morale of the investigative personnel are falling due to the insufficiently of the finite training budget. Lack of financial support results in the lack of training program and poor training environment, which subsequently leads to the inefficiency of training. Additionally, no long-term budget for fostering specialized investigative agents is allotted. Considering the fact that more than 95% of crimes in Korea are being primarily investigated by the Korean police, we have to understand the importance of the police. By the tremendous investment in investigative training which can lead to the high-quality investigations, the Korean police can ultimately contribute to the protection of safety and life of its people.

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직무교육이 군의 사기 및 조직성과에 미치는 영향 (Influences of Job Training upon Military Morale and Organizational Performance)

  • 이성춘
    • 한국산학기술학회논문지
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    • 제18권5호
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    • pp.141-150
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    • 2017
  • 본 연구는 한국군에서 실시하는 직무교육에 대한 장병의 인식을 검토하고, 이러한 직무교육이 군사기와 조직성과에 어떠한 영향을 미치는 가를 파악하고자 진행하였다. 연구를 위해 220명의 장병들을 대상으로 설문조사를 진행하였고, SPSS 통계패키지 프로그램으로 분석을 하였다. 이를 분석한 결과 다음과 같이 결론을 도출할 수 있었다. 첫째, 직무교육 실태를 분석한 결과에서 교육 시간은 2-4시간이 49.5%, 교육은 내용은 직무능력개발 교육이 77.7%, 직무교육 담당강사는 교육부서 56.8%로 조사되었다. 둘째, 가설 1. 직무교육이 군사기에 미치는 영향을 분석한 결과에서 참가자의 자율성이 높을수록 행동적 차원의 인식 수준이 높아졌고, 참가자의 자율성, 지속적 학습문화, 교육 수준이 높을수록 인지적 차원에 대한 만족도가 높아졌다. 아울러 학습문화와 교육 수준이 높을수록 정서적 차원이 높아졌다. 셋째, 가설 2. 직무교육이 조직성과에 미치는 영향을 분석한 결과, 학습 동기와 학습문화가 높을수록 직무만족의 정도가 높아졌고, 강사 자질 수준이 높을수록 조직몰입이 높아졌다. 넷째, 가설 3. 군사기가 조직성과에 미치는 영향을 분석한 결과에서 행동적 차원, 인지적 차원, 정서적 차원이 높을수록 직무만족과 조직몰입이 높아진 것으로 나타났다. 따라서 군사기는 조직성과를 향상시키고 개인의 발달을 유도하는 중요 요인임을 다시 한번 검증할 수 있었다.

해방전후 함대훈 소설에 나타난 '러시아' 표상 연구 (Russia Represented the Novel of Dae Hun Ham before and after the Liberation)

  • 강용훈
    • 비교문화연구
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    • 제44권
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    • pp.87-121
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    • 2016
  • 식민지 시기 함대훈은 러시아 문학을 자신의 소설 창작에 반복적으로 활용했다. 그 중에서 투르게네프의 소설 "그 전날 밤"은 함대훈의 첫 장편소설 "폭풍전야"에도, 1943년 발표된 "북풍의 정열"에도 반복적으로 차용되고 있다. 함대훈 문학에 차용된 러시아 문학은 지금 이곳과는 다른 문화, 다른 질서에 대한 인물들의 동경을 이끌어냈으며, 인물들의 동경은 1930년대 중반 발표된 "폭풍전야"에서는 민족운동에 뛰어든 신청년(新靑年)의 형상으로 구체화되어 당대 식민지 조선의 상황과 긴장 관계를 만들어냈다. 반면 1943년 발표된 "북풍의 정열"은 "폭풍전야"와 마찬가지로 투르게네프의 "그 전날 밤"을 차용하고 있지만, 이 소설에는 "폭풍전야"와는 변별되는 지정학적 상상력이 구현되어 있다. "북풍의 정열"에서는 '만주'를 둘러싼 당대의 정치적 역사적 맥락은 소거된 반면, '만주'와 과거 지식인 청년들의 열정을 이끌어냈던 '러시아'를 연결시키고 있다. '러시아'에 대한 열정이 만주에 대한 동경으로 대체되는 과정은 함대훈 문학에 나타난 '북국(北國)' 표상의 변화와도 밀접하게 연관된다. 1930년대 후반 함대훈의 소설에서는 '러시아'가 '북국'으로도 표상되고 있었다. 그러나 함대훈 문학에서 '북국'은 점차 '러시아'가 아니라 '만주'를 지칭하는 공간 표상으로 사용되기 시작한다. 북국' 표상을 통해 러시아와 만주를 연결시키는 방식은 '만주'가 시베리아 지방과 멀지 않은 지역임을 부각시키는 언술에서도 암시되어 있듯이 시베리아 지역으로까지 대동아공영권을 확대하고 싶은 제국 일본의 욕망과 긴밀하게 연동되어 있었다. 함대훈은 '북국' 표상을 통해 러시아에 대한 낭만적 동경을, 제국 일본의 지정학적 논리를 정당화하는 담론으로 바꾸어 놓고 있는 것이다. 식민지 시기 함대훈에게 '러시아'는 동경을 불러일으키는 공간이었지만, 그 동경은 '만주'에 대한 함대훈의 인식에서 드러나듯 언제든 세속적 욕망으로 변화될 수 있는 것이었다. 이는 해방 직후 발표된 함대훈 장편소설 "청춘보"에서도 확인된다. 해방 직후는 소련이 냉전질서의 한 축으로 부각되고 러시아어가 한국인의 일상적 담화공간에까지 영향력을 행사했던 시기였다. 함대훈은 "청춘보"를 통해 러시아 문학을 전공했고 소련의 문화를 동경하던 연구자를 주인공으로 등장시킨 후, 그의 시선으로 해방 전후의 북조선 사회를 재현하고 있다. 그 과정에서 이 작품은 러시아의 문화 및 '소련'과 관련된 다층적 표상을 보여주고 있다. 그러한 재현의 양상을 만들어낸 것은 주인공이 지니고 있는 심퍼사이저(sympathizer) 의식, 즉 '동반자 의식'이다. 이러한 주인공의 동반자 의식은 식민지 후반의 조선에서 금지의 대상이었던 '소비에트' 문화의 이국성을 그가 동경하고 있었던 것에 기인한다. 그러나 러시아어가 일상에서 사용될 수 있는 언어이자 영어와 교환될 수 있는 위상을 확보하게 된 해방 직후 '러시아' 및 '소비에트'를 재현하던 주인공의 시선은 변모하게 된다. '붉은 군대'라는 상징 아래 '러시아'와 '소비에트'를 통합적으로 인식하던 시선은 점차 변모하였고, 월남(越南) 이후에는 '러시아'를 '공산주의'라는 도깨비에 의해 점령된 소굴로 간주하기에 이른다. 그 과정에서 '러시아'와 '소비에트'는 분리되어 이해되기 시작했다. 식민지 시기 가장 핵심적인 러시아 문학 연구자이자 번역자로 규정된 함대훈의 해방 이후 행보, 그리고 해방 직후 그가 발표한 소설 "청춘보"의 러시아어 번역/통역가 곽성식의 면모는 해방직후 한국의 러시아 문학 연구가 걸어야 할 침체의 길들을 서사의 형태로 예견하고 있다. 금지된 것에 대한 열망 및 러시아의 이국적 문화에 대한 동경에 의해 수행되던 낭만적 번역, 해방 전후 함대훈 소설의 러시아 표상은 그러한 낭만적 번역의 시대가 종언을 고했음을 보여주고 있는 것이다.

한국 정치극의 전개 양상 - 1920년대부터 80년대까지의 정치극운동을 중심으로 - (The Development Aspects of Korean Political Theatre Movement)

  • 김성희
    • 한국연극학
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    • 제52호
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    • pp.5-59
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    • 2014
  • This paper investigates the development and aesthetics of Korean political theatre from its quickening period 1920s to democratization era 1990s. Political theatre before 90s developed an antithesis resistant movement toward Korean modern history that had been scattered with suppressing political circumstances such as colonial era and dictatorial government, the movement has powerful activity and social influences. Just like the 20 century political theatre had been quickened under the influence of Marxism at Russia and Germany in 1920s, Korea's political theatre began in socialism theatre movement form around the same time. Proletarian theatre groups had been founded in Japan and Korea, and developed into practical movement with organized connection. However, the political theatre movement in Japanese colonial era was an empty vessel makes great sound but not much accomplishments. Most performance had been canceled or disapproved by suppression or censorship of the Japanese Empire. The political theatre in liberation era was the left drama inherited from Proletarian theatre of the colonial era. Korean Theatre alliance took lead the theatrical world unfold activities based on theatre popularization theory such as 'culture activists' taking a jump up the line and 'independent theatre' peeping into production spot as well as the important event, Independence Movement Day Memorial tournament theatre. Since 1947, US army military government in Korea strongly oppressed the left performances to stop and theatrical movement was ended due to many left theatrical people defection to North Korea. The political theatre in 1960s to 70s the Park regime, developed in dramatically different ways according to orthodox group and group out of power. The political theatre of institutional system handled judgment on sterile people and had indirect political theatre from that took history material and allegory technique because of censorship. In political theatre out of institution, it started outdoor theatre that has modernized traditional performance style and established deep relationship with labor spot and culture movement organizations. Madangguek(Outdoor theatre) is 'Attentive political theatre', satirizing and offending the political and social inconsistencies such as the dictatorial government's oppression and unbalanced distribution, alienation of general people, and foreign powers' pillage sharply as well as laughing at the Establishment with negative characters. The political theatre in 1980s is divided into two categories; political theatre of institutional system and Madangguek. Institutional Political theatre mainly performed in Korea Theatre Festival and the theatre group 'Yeonwoo-Moudae' led political theatre as private theatre company. Madangguek developed into an outdoor theatrical for indoor theatre capturing postcolonial historical view. Yeonwoo-Moudae theatre company produced representative political plays at 80s such as The chronicles of Han's, Birds fly away too, and so on by combining freewheeling play spirit of Madangguek and epic theatre. Political theatre was all the rage since the age of democratization started in 1987 and political materials has been freed from ban. However, political theatre was slowly declined as real socialism was crumbling and postmodernism is becoming the spirit of the times. After 90s, there are no more plays of ideology and propaganda that aim at politicization of theatre. As the age rapidly entered into the age of deideology, political theatre discourse also changed greatly. The concept 'the political' became influential as a new political possibility that stands up to neoliberalism system in the evasion of politics. Rather than reenact political issues, it experiments new political theatre that involves something political by deconstructing and reassigning audience's political sense with provocative forms, staging others and drawing discussion about it.

남북 법제분단: 분단을 넘어 법제통합을 위한 과제 (South-North Legal System Division: Challenge for the Integration of Legal Systems beyond the Division of Korea)

  • 최은석
    • 법제연구
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    • 제53호
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    • pp.61-107
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    • 2017
  • 올해로 한반도가 남과 북으로 분단된 지 72년이 흘렀다. 1945년 8월, 일제로부터 해방과 동시에 남쪽은 자본주의, 북쪽은 공산주의(사회주의) 이념을 바탕으로 한 체제 갈등과 대립을 해왔다. 이러한 남북분단은 단순히 정치 경제체제에만 머물지 않고 법제도 역시 동질성을 찾기 어려운상황이 되어 버렸다. 그동안의 분단은 법제분단도 함께 동반되는 사회적현상의 결과를 낳게 되었다. 일례로 북한은 해방과 동시에 구 소련군의 주둔 하에 북한지역을 지배하면서 법적 안정을 위한 조치를 빠르게 취했다. 마르크스와 엥겔스의 역사적 유물론을 바탕으로 한 토지사유화 폐지 등 이데올로기적 상부구조의 변화를 가져왔다. 이러한 작업은 구 소련 등 다른 사회주의 국가들의경우와 같이 생산수단인 토지사유화 폐지 절차를 거쳐 국유화 정책을 단행하기에 이르렀다. 북한 정권은 민족적 독립완수와 반제적 반봉건적 관계 청산이라는 미명하에 토지개혁을 실시함으로 인해 분단 이후 남북한체제 간의 현격한 변화를 가져왔다. 본 논문에서는 우선 남북법제를 중점으로 지난 72년간 사회주의의 실험과정에서 자본주의와 대결하면서 단절된 북한 법제의 특성과 법적 환경을 탐구하고자 한다. 한편, 현재 통일을 위해 진행 중인 법제통합 연구의 현황에 대해서도 간략히 진단해 본다. 그리고 법제분단을 극복하기 위해 남북분단에 따른 남과 북 각각의 국가로서 법적 지위를 규명해 보고, 남북관계의 법적 성격과 북한법제가 갖는 한계성에 대해 살펴본다. 아울러 법제통합을 위한 기본방향을 모색해 보고, 법제분단 해소 방안을 제시하고자 한다.