• 제목/요약/키워드: The Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592

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『본초정화(本草精華)』의 해제(解題)에 관한 역사학적(醫史學的) 접근 (『Bonchojeonghwa(本草精華)』, Medical Historical Approach to Bibliographic Notes)

  • 김홍균
    • 한국의사학회지
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    • 제24권2호
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    • pp.25-55
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    • 2011
  • The currently existing "Bonchojeonghwa (本草精華)" is a manuscript without the preface and the epilogue, composed of 2 books in 2 volumes. This book is a quintessence of knowledge on science of medicinal ingredients (medicinal phytology I herbal science) as well as an trial of new development in Chosun medical science. I.e. this book includes surprising change representing medical science in Chosun dynasty as a single publication on science of medicinal ingredients. It holds a value essential to clinician as a specialized book in medicinal ingredients, and Includes richer content on medicinal ingredients than any other books published before. In addition, it is away from boring list-up of superfluous knowledge as seen in "Bonchokangmok(本草綱目)" published in China, and well summarizes essential knowledge which can be used within a range of medicines available in Korea. This book has an outstanding structure that can be even used in today's textbook on science of medicinal ingredients, as it has clear theory, system and classification. Because it handles essential learning points prior to prescription to disease, it is possible to configure new prescription and adjustment of medicinal materials. Moreover, this book can play a good role for linguistic study at the time of publication, because it describes many drugs in Hangul in many parts of the book. "Bonchojeonghwa" includes a variety of animals, plants and mineral resources in Korea, like "Bonchokangmok" which was recently listed in UNESCO. As such, it has a significance in natural history as well as pharmacy in Korean Medicine. It has various academic relationships all in biologic & abiologic aspects. It has importance in sharing future biological resources, building up international potential, setting up the standard for biologic species under IMF system, and becoming a base for resource diplomacy. We should not only see it as a book on medicinal ingredients in terms of Oriental Medicine, but also make an prudent approach to it in terms of study strengthening Korea's national competitiveness. After bibliographical reviewing on the features & characteristics of the only existing copy of "Bonchojeonghwa" housed in Kyujanggak(奎章閣) of Seoul National University, the followings are noted. First, "Bonchojeonghwa" is a specialized book on medicinal ingredients voluntarily made by private hands to distribute knowledge on drugs in the desolate situation after Imjinoeran (Japanese Invasion in 1592), without waiting for governmental help. Second, it raised accessibility and practicality by new editing. Third, it classified 990 different kinds of drugs into plant, animal, and mineral at large, and dassified more in detail into 15 'Bu' and 48 'Ryu' at 258 pages. Fourth, the publication of this book is estimated to be around 1625~1633, at the time of Injo's reign in 17th century. Fifth, it contains the existing & up-to-date knowledge at the time of publication, and it is possible to see the supply-demand situation by Hangul descriptions in 149 places in the book. By the fact that there are many linguistic evidences of 17th century, explains well when the book was published.

남해읍성의 공간구성과 축조기법에 관한 연구 (A Study on Techniques of the construction and Space Structure of Nam-hea city walls)

  • 권순강;이호열
    • 건축역사연구
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    • 제18권5호
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    • pp.59-80
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    • 2009
  • The purpose of this study is to investigate the history, space structures, blueprint, and techniques of the construction of Nam-hea city walls. Nam-hea city walls were relocated in 1439 from Whagumhun-Sansung(火金峴山城) to the present site, nearby Nam-hea Um.(南海邑) The city walls were rebuilt after they were demolished during Japanese invasion on Korea in 1592 and their reconstruction was also done in 1757. At present, the city walls only partially remained due to the urbanization of the areas around them. A plane form of the City wall is a square, and the circumference os approximately 1.3km. According to the literature, the circumference of the castle walls is 2,876尺, the height is 13尺, and the width is 13尺 4寸. Hang-Kyo(鄕校). SaGikDan(社稷壇), YoeDan(厲壇), SunSo(船所) which is a harbor, as well as government and public offices such as Kaek-Sa(客舍) and Dong-Hun(東軒) existed inside the castle walls. Inside the castle walls were one well, five springs, one ditch, and one pond, and in the castle walls, four castle gates, three curved castle walls, and 590 battlements existed. The main government offices inside castle walls were composed of Kaek-Sa, Dong-Hun, and Han-Chung(鄕廳) their arrangements were as follows. Kaek-Sa was situated toward North. Dong-Hun was situated in the center of the west castle walls. The main roads were constructed to connect the North and South castle gate, and subsidiary roads were constructed to connect the East and West castle gate. The measurement used in the blueprint for castle wall was Pobaek-scale(布帛尺:1尺=46.66cm), and one side of it was 700尺. South and North gate were constructed in the center of South and North castle wall, and curved castle walls was situated there. One bastion was in the west of curved castle walls and two bastions were in the east of curved castle walls. The east gate was located in the five eighths of in the east castle wall. Two bastions were situated in the north, on bastion in the south, one bastion in the south, and four bastions in the west castle wall. The castle walls were constructed in the following order: construction of castle field, construction of castle foundation, construction of castle wall, and cover the castle foundation. The techniques used in the construction of the castle walls include timber pile(friction pile), replacement method by excavation.

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관중숭불도에 나타난 16세기 복식연구 (A Study of Costumes in the Palace Painting Depicting the Worship of Buddha during the Reign of King Myungjong)

  • 홍나영;김소현
    • 복식
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    • 제38권
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    • pp.305-321
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    • 1998
  • The costume style of the Chosun dynasty changed greatly after Imjinwaeran (the Japanese Invasion of Chosun Korea, 1592∼1598). Most of the extant costumes come from the late Chosun, but some costumes produced be-fore Imjinwaeran have been excavated, and in addition, information on these older constumes is contained in contemporary literature. Of especial value in the study of pre-Imjinwaeran Chosun constumes is a mid-sixteenth century palace painting depicting the worship of Buddha, a painting in the collection of the Ho-Am Art Museum in Seoul. The present study of costume during the middle Chosun dynasty focuses on this painting, and compares it with other contemporary palace paintings, and with other contemporary palace paintings, and with Nectar Ritual Paintings. The following conclusion were drawn : * Concerning woman's hair styles of the time, married women wore a large wig. Un-married women braided their hair, and then either let it fall down their back or wore it coiled on top of their head. * The major characteristic of woman's costumes was a ample, tube-like silhouette, with the ratio of the Jeogori(Korean woman's jacket) and skirt being one-to-one. * The style of Jeogori in the painting was like that of excavated remains. Some Jeogoris were simple (without decoration), while some Jeogoris were worn with red sashes. Here we can confirm the continuity of ancient Korean costumes with those of the sixteenth century * Although the skirt covered the ankles, it did not touch the ground. Because the breadth of the skirt was not wide, it seems to have been for ordinary use. Colors of skirts were mainly white or light blue. * All men in the painting wore a headdress. Ordinary men, not Buddhist monks, wore Bok-du (headstring), Chorip (straw hat), or Heuk-rip (black hat). In this painting, men wore a Heukrip which had a round Mojeong (crown). * The men wore sashes fastened around their waist to close their coats, which was different from the late Chosun, in which men bound their sashes around their chest. That gave a ration of the bodice of the coat to the length of the skirt of one-to-one, which was consistent with that of woman's clothing. * In this painting, we cannot see the Buddhist monk's headdress that appeared later in the Chosun, such as Gokkal (peaked hat), Songnak (nun's hat), and Gamtu (horsehair cap). These kinds of headdresses, which appeared in paintings from the seventeenth century, were worn widely inside or outside the home. Buddhist monks wore a light blue long coat, called Jangsam (Buddhist monk's robe) and wore Gasa (Buddhist monk's cope), a kind of ceremonial wrap, round their body. We can see that the Gasa was very splendid in the early years of the Chosun dynasty, a continuing tradition of Buddhist monk's costumes from the Koryo dynasty.

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농촌문화마을 조성 및 활성화 방안연구(1) - 김제시 대산마을(현황분석 및 기본구상)을 중심으로 - (A Study on the Creation and Activation Program of Cultural Rural Village - Focused on the Case in Dae -San Village, Kimje-si, Chonbuk Province -)

  • 최만봉
    • 농촌계획
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    • 제6권1호
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    • pp.19-28
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    • 2000
  • Now in order to overcome the weakest points of the rural areas of the city of Kimje and, transform them into rural cultural villages which have local governing systems suitable to new localization age and activate this plan, we selected Daesan Village as a model village which had shown a lot of potentials in the basic research and studied it dividing it into the former part and the latter part. We studied Daesan village in the former part focusing on state analysis and basic ideas and in the latter part focusing on master plan and detail planning. We can summarize the conclusion like the followings. 1. Daesan Village located 8 kilometer away from the downtown Kimje and the city of Iksan respectably has comparatively good environment of good sunny place as an open field whose surrounding configuration of the ground consists of farming lands and low hills in front and rear. It has 38 farming households in all. 2. Human environment(인문환경); the village road whose width is about 4 meters is forming a flow system forking off into three. There is a route bus which operates three times a day even into the inside of the village. The main sources of revenue are vegetables in facilities, fruits and floriculture. Their average revenue is about 10.5 million won. 3. Here in DaeSan Village a legend dealing with Teasan literally meaning a big mountain consist of th village's tradition and you can see the tombs of a very faithful son and Anwi an army general in the age of the Japanese Invasion of Korea of 1592 to 1598 inside the village. 4. 85 out of the eitire population 141 whose age are over 20 showed very positive attitudes in a questionnaire about, making the village a cultural one and its development. 5. The basic of planned ideas is to increase the revenue of the farming household by making the village a professional farming one which has a state-of the-art production facility and agricultural technique. It is to make the village the one where people can enjoy the sense of the rural life and the farmer can enjoy their lives through consumptive and consistant leisure and resting activities. 6. We are planning to make entrance space, life space, rest and sport space, and cultural space considering the characteristics of the village and the demand of the resident. We are also planning to make tile entire city of Kimje an information transmitting base in short and long term perspectives. 7. DaeSan Village was planned as a place where tradition and the future exist together. On the basis of this concept we planned future programs for Daesan Village and in the latter part of the study master plans and detail plans will be continued.the regional agricultural condition. The development permissions were only during the period of restricted to use ($1979.12{\sim}1993.11$). We propose that the authority of development permission should be given to the local autonomy government, because the local government has the knowledge of its individual agricultural conditions.

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대구시 칠곡지구의 도시발달 (The Process of Urban Development of Chilgok District in Daegu City)

  • 진원형
    • 한국지역지리학회지
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    • 제10권1호
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    • pp.83-95
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    • 2004
  • 대구시 칠곡지구는 금호강을 경계로 대구의 기성시가지와 분리되어, 독립된 지역성을 지니고 있으며, 과거부터 상당한 규모의 도시발달이 이루어졌던 역사적 도시이다. 본 연구는 칠곡지구의 도시발달 과정을 역사적으로 고찰하고, 현안 개발과제를 분석하고자 한다. 칠곡지구는 영남대로가 통과하는 교통의 요충지로서 임진왜란을 거치면서 중요성이 크게 인식되어 1640년 칠곡지구 및 칠곡군 일대가 칠곡도호부로 되었다. 초기 칠곡도호부의 읍치는 가산산성에 있었으나, 읍내동 지역으로 읍치를 옮기게 된다. 1914년 칠곡군청 소재지를 경부선 철도가 통과하는 왜관으로 옮겨, 칠곡지구는 상대적으로 성장이 지체되었다. 그 후 대구시의 세력권에 흡수되면서 대구 외곽의 배후 농촌지역으로서 점진적인 도시발전을 이루어 나갔으며, 1981년 대구시로 편입되었다. 1980년대 말부터 칠곡지구의 택지개발사업이 시작되었는데, 태전교 북부의 팔거천 유역평야를 중심으로 개발되었다. 구 칠곡읍의 중심지는 공공개발지구에서 제외되었으나, 민간 개발이 이루어져 옛 모습을 찾아볼 수 없다. 칠곡지구는 현재 고층아파트 중심의 공동주택과 단독주택이 혼재된 고밀도의 주거신시가지로 변모하였다. 칠곡지구의 개발에 따라 도로교통 혼잡 문제가 드러났으며, 향후 개발추세로 미루어 보아 교통문제는 지속될 전망이다. 대구시 제4차 순환도로의 조기개설, 지하철 3호선의 개통 등이 요구된다.

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여헌(旅軒) 장현광(張顯光)의 학교교육론(學校敎育論)과 그 도덕교육적(道德敎育的) 함의 (Yeoheon Jang Hyeongwang's perspective on schooling and the implication of moral education)

  • 박학래
    • 동양고전연구
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    • 제68호
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    • pp.345-377
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    • 2017
  • 본고는 퇴계(退溪)와 율곡(栗谷) 이후 조선 성리학을 주도했던 대표적인 성리학자인 여헌(旅軒) 장현광(張顯光)(1554~1637)의 학교 교육, 특히 향교(鄕校) 교육(敎育)에 대한 입장과 구체적인 활동을 검토하고, 그것의 도덕교육적 의미를 정리한 것이다. 16세기를 전후한 시기부터 구체화된 향교 교육의 폐단에 대해 퇴계와 율곡은 모두 그 문제점을 인지하고 있었지만, 이에 대한 처방에서는 구별되는 입장을 드러냈다. 퇴계가 향교 교육의 폐단을 지적하면서 유학교육의 면모를 일신하기 위해 서원(書院)의 건립과 위상 강화에 주목하였다면, 율곡은 관학 교육기관으로서 향교의 교육 개혁에 보다 관심을 기울였고, 이를 통해 학교 교육의 면모를 일신하고 인재 양성과 윤리기강의 확립을 추구하였다. 본고에서는 퇴계와 율곡의 구별되는 학교 교육 개혁에 대한 입장에 유의하면서 여헌의 학교 교육에 입장을 고찰하였다. 특히 임진왜란 이후 피폐해진 향촌 사회의 도덕 질서 회복에 주목한 그의 문제의식이 어떻게 향교 교육과 연결되고, 그 의미가 무엇인지 분석하고자 하였다. 아울러 그의 향교 교육에 대한 구체적인 입장을 그가 제시한 인동 향교의 교육 조목을 통해 체계적으로 정리 분석하였으며, 이를 통해 그가 의도한 향교 교육의 내용과 실체가 무엇이었는지도 함께 검토하였다. 나아가 여헌의 향교 교육에 대한 관심과 활동이 도덕교육적으로 어떠한 의미가 있는지를 살피고, 현재 교육 현실과 연관하여 어떤 시사점을 주는지 시론적(試論的)인 입장을 제시하였다.

고문헌을 통해 본 영릉(英陵)의 원형공간과 시공방법에 관한 고찰 (A Study on Yeongneung's Original Layout and Construction Method through the Works of Ancient Literature)

  • 이창환
    • 한국전통조경학회지
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    • 제30권4호
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    • pp.56-69
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    • 2012
  • 본 논문은 2009년 6월 유네스코 세계문화유산에 등재된 40기의 조선왕릉 중 우리 민족이 가장 존경하는 세종대왕의 영릉에 대하여 고문헌을 통하여 원형공간과 복원, 시공방법 등을 고찰해 본 문헌적 연구이다. 영릉(英陵)은 세종대왕과 그의 비 소헌왕후 심 씨의 능으로 조선의 42기 왕릉 중 그 조영 방법이 독특하며, 천장의 역사를 갖고 있어 인물사 못지않게 중요한 공간이다. 영릉의 고문헌은 정조(1786)때 작성된 (영릉보토소등록(英陵補土所謄錄))과 (춘관통고(春官通考)) 그리고 고종때 작성된 (영릉영릉보토소등록(英陵寧陵補土所謄錄), 1900년)과 (조선왕조실록) 등이 있어 이를 중심으로 살펴보았다. 그 결과 1) 능역조영의 용어정의, 2) 능원의 공간구성, 3) 능역시설물의 특성, 4) 공사규모 및 내역, 5) 능원의 식생 등의 내용을 검토할 수 있었다. 세계문화유산에 등재 된 문화시설은 그 원형을 잘 보존해야 하며 보존관리도 원래의 공법을 활용하는 등 신중한 검토가 요구된다. 따라서 본 논문은 원형 고증적 측면에서 이루어 졌다. 상기의 내용에서 세종과 소헌왕후의 영릉에 대하여 조영적 특성을 고찰할 수 있었다. 이를 바탕으로 영릉의 원형공간 이해와 향후 복원 등의 제안이 가능한 것으로 사료된다.

17세기 한국 능(綾)직물 연구 (A Study on Korean Twill Fabrics in the 17th Century)

  • 조효숙;이은진
    • 복식
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    • 제63권4호
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    • pp.56-69
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    • 2013
  • This study studies the fabrics from excavated 17th century tombs of Mrs. Min from Yeoheung family(1586~1656), Yeo-on Kim(1596~1665) and Won-rip Choi(1618~1690) and attempts to clarify the relationship between the fashion trend in fabrics of those times and the background behind it by viewing and examining the proportion of twill fabrics to the total silk fabrics and the characteristics of its weave and patterns. Looking into fabrics from the above tombs, twill fabrics accounted for 10.4%(13 pieces) 19.3%(16 pieces) and 9.2%(9 pieces) of total silk fabrics in each of the respective tombs. This forms a remarkable contrast with the fact that there was only one piece of twill silk fabrics(0.5%) and not any from the 16th century tombs of Mrs. Yoon from Papyeong family (0.5%) and Soo-ryoon Sim(0%). In particular, the percentage of hwamun-neung(patterned twill fabrics) in each of the tombs is 8.0%(10 pieces), 13.3%(11 pieces), 9.2%(9 pieces), which is much higher than that of non-patterned one. This is common to the twill fabrics from above three 17th century tombs. Patterns of hwamun-neung(patterned twill), simplified small flower patterns or geometrical figures, from the three excavated tombs are mostly arranged sporadically with blank space. It is supposed that these figurative characteristics reflected the aesthetic sense of the gentry at that time which valued simplicity and moderation for their Confucian standard. This phenomenon of increased use and production of twill fabrics in the 17th century resulted from different factors such as wars like Japanese Invasion of Korea(1592~1598), economic difficulty, government regulations against the production of high-class fabrics, development of weaving skill and its fixation, changes of fabric production environments, and changes of aesthetic sense preferring naive and moderate things to showy ones. As for the weaving characteristics of twill fabrics from the three 17th century tombs 3 leaf warp-faced twill was often used for the ground texture and 4 leaf warp-faced one was occasionally used. For pattern texture 6 leaf weft-faced twill was frequently used, 4 leaf weft-faced twill and 3 leaf weft-faced twill were used at times, and floating one was occasionally used as well.

춘당(春塘) 오수영(吳守盈)의 생애와 교유 양상 (A Study of the Life and Companionship of Chundang Oh Su-yeong)

  • 박동욱
    • 동양고전연구
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    • 제35호
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    • pp.7-33
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    • 2009
  • 오수영(吳守盈, 1521~1606)은 자는 겸중(謙仲), 호는 춘당(春塘) 또는 도암(桃巖)이다. 이황(李滉)과 이해(李瀣)의 문인으로 알려져 있다. 글씨를 잘 써서 금보(琴輔) 이숙량(李叔樑) 등과 함께 선성삼필(宣城三筆)의 칭호를 얻었다. 저서로 "춘당문집" 2권이 있다. 그는 퇴계(退溪)의 문도(門徒)로 중요한 위치를 차지한 인물이다. 아직까지 그에 대한 연구는 전혀 이루어지지 않았다. 본고에서는 그의 생애와 교유 양상에 대해 살폈다. 이를 통해서 문학사에서 사라진 한 명의 인물을 복원할 수 있게 되기를 기대한다. 춘당(春塘) 오수영(吳守盈)의 가계와 도학적 생애에서는 그의 가계와 생애에 대해 간략히 정리했다. 그에 대한 연구는 아직까지 한 번도 이루어지 않았기에 이 부분에 대한 정리는 매우 의미가 있다 할 수 있다. 다음으로 퇴계 문도와의 교유를 살펴보았다. 그가 교유한 인물들은 거의 모두가 퇴계의 문도였으니 이러한 사실에서도 그의 지향하는 바가 드러난다 할 수 있다. 오수영과 예안 지역 퇴계 학파와의 교유를 통해서 퇴계 학맥의 실체적 모습을 확인할 수 있었다. 그의 시에는 우도(友道)에 관한 시가 많은데, 여기에는 진솔한 인간미가 표출(表出)된 것을 쉽게 찾아볼 수 있다. 대부분의 인물들이 퇴계문도였음도 확인할 수 있었다. 따스한 감성을 보이는 영물시(詠物詩)에서는 그의 번뜩이는 재치를 느낄 수 있다. 전란(戰亂)의 체험을 담은 시들을 통해 노년에 겪은 전란의 체험을 담담히 그려내고 있다. 거기에는 노년이라 직접 참전(參戰)할 수 없는 무력감이 짙게 깔려 있다. 본격적인 그의 시세계에 대한 탐색은 추후의 연구 과제로 남겨둔다.

복식과 무기의 갖춤 상황에서의 무예연구 (A Study on martial arts when Equipped with Weapons, Clothes and Other Accessories)

  • 황호영;최재근
    • 디지털융복합연구
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    • 제11권1호
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    • pp.413-421
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    • 2013
  • 현재 한반도에 터를 잡고 사는 우리는 유구한 역사를 지니고 있으며 과거 선조들은 중앙아시아와 중국의 북방지역까지 넓게 퍼져 살았다. 평상시는 여러 나라들과 서로 교역을 하였지만 사이가 좋지 않을 때에는 전쟁을 치르면서 많은 나라들이 등장하고 사라져갔다. 이러한 역사 속에 다양한 문화가 이루어져 왔고 그 중에 전통무예도 한 부분을 차지하고 있다. 우리의 무예는 조선 후기 화약무기의 발달과 일본의 식민지, 6.25전쟁을 겪으면서 그 명맥이 거의 단절 되었다. 다행이 사서와, 무예서의 기록과 유물이 뒷받침 되어 우리가 전통무예를 연구 하는데 도움이 되고 있다. 조선후기 편찬된 무예서인 무예도보통지는 조선이 임진왜란과 병자호란을 겪으면서 기예를 소홀히 했던 것을 반성하고 조선과 중국, 일본의 기예를 수용하여 엮은 책으로 상세한 설명과 그림, 복식과 무기제원까지 기록 되어 있어 무예연구에 있어 가치가 있다. 그러나 무예도보통지를 근간으로 하는 무예단체나 개인의 기예가 다르며 어느 단체들은 가짓수를 가지고 논쟁 하고 있어 문제이다. 본 연구는 급변하는 유비쿼터스 환경에 발맞추어 스마트의 발달과 시장의 확대로 수많은 교육용 앱이 쏟아져 나오고 있다. 학교 수업 내용에 대한 앱은 전무한 현실에서 교수자가 직접 앱을 개발하여 학교 수업에서 활용하는 방안을 연구하고자 한다. 스마트폰의 최대 장점인 시간과 장소에 구애 받지 않고, 언제 어디서나 학교 수업 내용을 학습하고 교수자와 학습자 간의 커뮤니케이션이 원활히 이루어지는 학습 환경을 만드는데 있다.