• Strategy21
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• s.39
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• pp.114-139
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• 2016

Korea and China are neighboring countries with close contacts in many areas from long time ago, and have shared interests in maintaining peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula, and in deepening economic relationship which has been mutually complementary in their nature. Therefore their bilateral relations has been developed at a remarkable pace to the extent that it can't be better than now. However, the differences in their responses to North Korean nuclear test and ensuing long-range ballistic missile test-fire and the Chinese strong concern on the possible deployment of THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Air Defence) anti-missile system in Korea show that there are some weaknesses in their relations. For example, Korea is not still confident that China would fully implement the sanction measures contained in the UNSC resolution and I argue that Chinese proposal of parallel negotiation of the denuclearization and the replacement of Korean armistice with the Peace Agreement is not much persuasive. In THAAD issue, if Korea comes to conclusion in the future that THAAD is the most effective way to counter North Korean threats, Korea should make every efforts to assure China that Korea-US alliance is not targeting China, and the THAAD is a defensive system, not damaging Chinese security. In the longer-term, deepening strategic distrust and competition between the US and China in this part of East Asia, changing nature of economic cooperation between Korea and China, and the revival of 'great country mentality' by Chinese people together with the rising nationalism in both Korea and China would cast shadow on Korea-China relation in the years ahead, unless properly handled. In this regard, I suggest that the security communications between the two countries be further strengthened, and the tri-lateral dialogue channel be established among the three countries of Korea, the US and China, particularly on North Korean issues. I also suggest the new pattern of economic cooperation be sought, considering the changing economic environment in China, while strengthening the efforts to understand each other through more interactions between the two peoples.

• Journal of Agricultural Extension & Community Development
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.213-232
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• 2010

The regional development strategy of China is involved basically with national macro economical development policies. In general, the development process were The procedures of 'balancing development-unbalancing development- rebalancing development'. The first restructuring is a balancing development strategy represented as the three-district construction and the second restructuring is the unbalancing development strategy represented as the preferential development of the east area after reformation & development. The third regional development strategy making current progress is a new regional balancing development policy including the great development of the west district. The study grasped how much the regional balancing development policy contributed to bridge the gap among other areas with coefficient of variation to analyze changes of regional development related indexes among the areas before/after the regional balancing development policy which had been progressed after 1991 with harmonious development among areas as its goal was carried out. It was also analyzed that the Chinese government's goal of regional development policy was how well-suited to the Chinese reality through regression analysis, so far. However, the results obtained of the study were summarized in Table6, Table7 and Table8.

• Journal of Power Electronics
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• v.17 no.6
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• pp.1480-1489
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• 2017

In this study, a carrier-based pulse-width modulation (PWM) method for two-level voltage source inverters in the over-modulation region is proposed. Based on the superposition principle, the reference voltage vectors outside the linear modulation boundary are adjusted to relocate to the vector hexagon, while their fundamental magnitudes are retained. In accordance with the adjusted reference vector, the corresponding modulated waves are respectively deduced in over-modulation mode I and II to generate the gate signals of the power switches, guaranteeing the linearity of the fundamental output phase voltage in the over-modulation region. Moreover, due to the linear relationship between the voltage vector and the duty ratios, the complicated sector identification and holding angle calculation found in previous methods are avoided in the modulated wave synthesis, which provides great simplicity for the proposed carrier-based over-modulation strategy. Experimental results demonstrate the effectiveness and validity of the proposed method.

• Maritime Security
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.273-310
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• 2020

This study aims at empirically analyzing the overall mechanism of the "Gray Zone Strategy", which has begun to be used as one of Chinese major maritime security strategies in maritime conflicts surrounding the South China Sea and East China Sea since early 2010, and comparing the resulting conflict patterns in those reg ions. To this end, I made the following two hypotheses about Chinese gray zone strategy. The hypotheses that I have argued in this study are the first, "The marine gray zone strategy used by China shows different structures of implementation in the South China Sea and the East China Sea, which are major conflict areas.", the second, "Therefore, the patterns of disputes in the South China Sea and the East China Sea also show a difference." In order to examine this, I will classify Chinese gray zone strategy mechanisms multi-dimensionally in large order, 1) conflict trends and frequency of strategy execution, 2) types and strengths of strategy, 3) actors of strategy execution, and 4) response methods of counterparts. So, I tried to collect data related to this based on quantitative modeling to test these. After that, about 10 years of data pertaining to this topic were processed, and a research model was designed with a new categorization and operational definition of gray zone strategies. Based on this, I was able to successfully test all the hypotheses by successfully comparing the comprehensive mechanisms of the gray zone strategy used by China and the conflict patterns between the South China Sea and the East China Sea. In the conclusion, the verified results were rementioned with emphasizing the need to overcome the security vulnerabilities in East Asia that could be caused by China's marine gray zone strategy. This study, which has never been attempted so far, is of great significance in that it clarified the intrinsic structure in which China's gray zone strategy was implemented using empirical case studies, and the correlation between this and maritime conflict patterns was investigated.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.7
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• pp.169-184
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• 2020

This paper analyzes the implications of the change in the way China conducts public diplomacy, through an in-depth study of international education programs promoted under China's public diplomacy strategy. The leadership of Xi Jinping is now trying for China to become the top power in the world, not just a G2 country, based on China's economic growth over the past 40 years. Also, as a vision for the goal, the leadership is presenting the dream of the great revival of the Chinese nation. Currently, the international education program promoted at the level of public diplomacy in China is operated in an active, mid- to long-term manner within the national strategy, away from the past passive and responsive method. In other words, while China's past international education program was a passive model for dispelling the "Chinese Threat Theory," China's current international education program is evolving into an active model that can promote the "Chinese" order in the world.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.5-28
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• 2019

This study suggests that Korea - Russia economic cooperation, which has been sluggish in the meantime, should be revitalized as a small, medium sized business that can be practiced at the local level of both countries. Some large scales of national projects were difficult to realize due to some internal and external factors. Therefore, if Russia's Far East region of the complementary economic structure with the Korea's Gyeonggi Province of Korea could form the basis of cooperation by centering on SMEs, it further can be positive for promoting cooperation among South Korea, North Korea and Russia. The trilateral cooperation among two Koreas and Russia is necessary for the balance of political and economic powers in the East Asia. China's retaliation case regarding THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Area Defense) clearly showed that the greater the economic dependence on a particular country, the more threatening it could be. Therefore, it is important for the political and economic security to keep the balance by diversifying economic cooperation counterparts. As China's influence in the global economy grows, building value chains for mutual prosperity with various neighboring countries is gaining great importance. To this end, this paper examined Russia's Eurasian Strategy, New East Policy, and Far East Development Policy which were designed to seek the way to establish Russia's independent economic zone not absorbed by Europe and China.

• Journal of the Korea Safety Management & Science
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.175-182
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• 2011

The purpose of this article is to suggest what is the desirable direction of economic relationship between Korea and China. The economic relationship between countries is based on how the present network is. As the economic relationship between countries grows, the network between countries will expand. In the past, the economic relationship between Korea and China is cooperative one from the viewpoint of international division of labor. Korean industries was focused on the value-added and mid-advanced technology products, while Chinese was focused on the labor-intensive products. As the China's economy grows for more than thirty years, there is a great change in China's economic policies and environment. China's industry structure is moving from the labor-intensive industry to technology-oriented industry. China's exports to the global market is increasing very fast, and China's domestic market is also growing. The change in Chinese industries' structure bring about severe competition in the global market. The expanding China's domestic market is also good opportunity as the new market in the world. The change in China's industrial structure needs for Korea to establish the 'New Network" between two countries. Korea has to grab the new opportunities in the China's domestic market and find new cooperative network with the products and industries.

• Journal of Fisheries and Marine Sciences Education
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• v.27 no.6
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• pp.1832-1841
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• 2015

With the rapid development of global economy and trade, international logistics has made great progress in the past few years. As an irreplaceable part in China's foreign trade industry, ocean shipping, especially. ports management has played a crucial role in the development of China. In 2008, The Qingdao Qianwan bonded port was built in China, and has developed in to a door to connect China to the world. This paper introduced and compared the similarities and differences among the Yangshan Bonded Port, Dalian Dayawan Bonded Port, Tianjin Dongjiang Bonded Port and Qingdao Bonded Port. According to SWOT analysis, a further discussion was then made on the potential problems of Qingdao Bonded Port. At last, some development strategies are given accordingly.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.30 no.9_10 s.157
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• pp.1354-1365
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• 2006

China has a big potential as an apparel market due to its rapid economic growth. In the fashion industry, great attention has been paid to China. However, analysis of competitiveness has received relatively little attention from fashion scholarship. This study attempts to apply the double diamond model to analyze the international competitiveness of the apparel industry of China as well as of Korea. The purpose of this study is 1) to establish diamond model components in the fashion industry for Korea and China respectively, and 2) to compare the established diamond models(i.e., double diamond model, multinational diamond model) between Korea and China. Finally we suggested a marketing strategy based on the results of the double diamond model application. To build a diamond model for each country intensive literature review were conducted and additionally quantitative data were collected from 31 merchandisers and managers. We found that the domestic diamond of China was larger than Korea's, but firm strategy, structure and rivalry condition of Korea were more competitive than China's. Secondly, regarding the international diamond, China was more competitive, and especially had more the larger factor condition than Korea confirming that Korea was less competitive than China. This article provides a theoretical background and empirical findings for the competitiveness model of the fashion industry.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.47-60
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• 2012

Sino-Japanese relations suffered a great setback during the premiership of Koizumi $Jun'ichir{\bar{o}}$ (2001-2006). Although many factors, such as dispute over the resources of the East China Sea or Japan's anxiety about China's growing military expenditures, are accountable for this situation, it was Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine that became a symbol of the controversies between the two countries. The Yasukuni issue triggered a real eruption of profound anti-Japanese feelings among the Chinese people. While commentators in China accused Koizumi of glorifying militarism and whitewashing the atrocities committed by Japanese soldiers during the Second World War, the Japanese public started perceiving China's "exaggerated" reaction as a convenient diplomatic tool used by China to apply pressure on Japan in other bilateral disputes. On the one hand, spontaneous protests against Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine constituted a great constraint in China's diplomacy towards Japan, but on the other, they also became an ideal pretext for adopting a tougher stance in Chinese foreign policy. In this paper, I examine different points of view on the Yasukuni issue. After describing the Japanese background of the visits to the controversial shrine, I analyze various interpretations of China's reaction to the problem. Although emotions dominated discourse on the Yasukuni issue both in Japan and China, some pragmatic attempts to use this problem can still be seen. Besides being a side-effect of Koizumi's strong personality, the Yasukuni issue could be used either as a tool of factional struggle in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) or as an instrument of Chinese foreign policy towards Japan.