• 한국조경학회지
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• 제26권4호
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• pp.113-124
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• 1999

The purpose of this study is to search into the relation between the chinese seclusion culture and the gentleman's gardens by means of the historical and aesthetic approach. The periodic limits of this study is from pre-Qin to Tand. For gentleman's gardens in Tang dynasty at once got out of the noble's gardens which had imitated the imperial gardens until Tang, and became the origin of the gardens of the literati appearing in post-Tang dynasty. The major findings are as follows : First, in pre-Qin period, the origin of the seclusion culture is classified as the metaphysical seclusion of Taoism and the physical seclusion of Confucianism. Although Pu, Yuan, and Uou which could be said the first step of the chinese gardens were inquired, the clear relation between the seclusion and them is not found. Second, during Qin-Han dynasty, the role of the gardens, as the settings of the seclusion, are comparatively minor, too. But uan Kuang-Han's garden considerably escaped from that of pre-Qin in the aspect of function, and it has the characteristics of recreation. Third, during Wei-Chin and Liu dynasty, two types of the seclusions emerged. One is the small seclusion, and the other the Great Seclusion. Though, as formerly, the contemporary gardens did not escaped from the imperial gardens, Shi Chong's garden can be the setting of the Court Seclusion. But the seven Righteous in Bamboos' and Tao Yuan-Ming's settings of the seclusion were real natural environments rather than gardens. Forth, in Tang dynasty, in spite of relatively low status, Bai Ju-Yi's theory of the middle Seclusion enabled gentlemen to make seclusion in sinecures unlike the court Seclusion. The theoretical background of the Middle Seclusion was Zen Buddhism and the State Examinations System and Bai Ju-Yi's private social position also had an important effect on it. In Tang dynasty, there being nobiliary gentleman's gardens, Bai Ju-Yi's garden, Lushan Caotangyuan, was the setting of the Middle Seclusion. It can be called a real gentleman's garden, for it is simple and small unlike the imperial gardens or the nobiliary gentleman's gardens.

• 복식
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• 제57권7호
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• pp.84-97
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• 2007

Dancing with weapons existed spontaneously when war and hunting were common, and sword dancing, as a dance for banquets, developed and changed in various forms. In Korea, sword dancing was performed from the Three Dynasty Period, and in Joseon Dynasty, it was performed as court ceremony. The origin of the sword dancing, that has been performed from the Joseon Dynasty until now, and costumes for sword dancing isn't accurate. The purpose of this study is to analyze the sword dancing costume of China, Korea's neighboring country, and that of Korea in the same period, and to find out the process of wearing military uniform: Jun-mo, Jeo-go-ri, Chi-ma, Gwae-ja, and Jun-dae, being settled as the sword dancing costumes of Korea in late Joseon Dynasty. In China, sword dancing became famous in Han Dynasty, and in Tang Dynasty, it was the meridian of sword dancing with the most magnificent form. After the Song Dynasty, the sword dancing fades away. In Korea, the sword dancing started as a mask dancing of children that Hwa-rang(bravery youth) in Shilla Dynasty started. After the Unified Shiila Period, the sword dancing of Tang Dynasty spread to Korea, with active interchange between the two countries. After the Corea Dynasty, the mask dancing of children faded and the sword dancing of Tang Dynasty changes into Korean form. It was incorporated into the court ceremony after the mid-period of Joseon Dynasty, and the costumes were settled as the military uniform, which are Gwae-ja, and Jun-dae on top of Chi-ma, and Jeo-go-ri, and Jun-moon the head.

• 한국의사학회지
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• 제15권1호
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• pp.11-24
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• 2002

First, during Jin and Sui dynasty, It is possible that the theory of the contraindications of needling according to whereabouts of the self-guarding energy and demon, affected considerably to the practise of acupuncture and moxibustion, but the detailed situations are unknown. Only, there are some records of the process about circulation of the self-guarding energy and demon by a periodicity of 30 days in the "The prescriptions of Fan-Wang" by Fan-Wang in Jin dynasty and "Hua Tuo Fa" by a nameless person. But the theory differs form the theory of "Huang Di Xia Mo Jing" in some respect. Also, there is the contraindications of needling to abscesses according to whereabouts of the self-guarding energy and demon by every year in the "Liu Juan Zi Gui Yi Fang". but the book has no specific rule in use. Second, during Tang dynasty there were a vasty development on the contraindications of needling according to whereabouts of the self-guarding energy and demon. In the medical works in Tang dynasty, the contents of the contraindications of needling are included in various periodicities and directions such as 12 regions according to the year, 9 regions according to the year, 9 palaces in the body according to the year, whereabouts of the self-guarding energy and demon according the four seasons, every 10 days, every 12 days, every 30 days, and every dozen hours. Also, during Tang dynasty period, the contraindications of needling according to whereabouts of the self-guarding energy and demon were formulated through several adjustments and modifications by many medical scholars. Third, the period between Jin and Tang dynasty, because of historical situations, the documentary data are insufficient in the study of the recommendations and contraindications on the acupuncture, moxibution, and herb medicine according to the specific days and times. And the detailed informations are unknown. Only but once in Tang dynasty the considerable and theoretical adjustments were performed in the "Qian Jin Yao Fang". In Song dynasty, there were also much theoretical fluctuations in the study of the choice of the favorable or the injurious days and times or directions in the acupuncture, moxibustion and the prescription and processing of herbs. Fourth, contraindications on the acupuncture, moxibution, and herb medicine did not include acute and serious disease among the effect province, only include chronic and not serious disease. If the doctors had treated a surgical patients and abscess patients with deeply attached contraindications on the acupuncture, moxibution, and herb medicine, the patients would have became more serious. So the theory was not used for treatment by doctor.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제18권2호
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• pp.27-45
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• 2009

This study was to analyze the philological character of Qingwujing(靑烏經). Qingwujing is the oldest and representative documents of FengShui, especially famous for FengShui XingQi(形氣) theories. In spite of is fame, a systematic research for Qingwujing was not yet fulfilled up to now in Korea. In is the main reason why have to research the philological character of Qingwujing. The results from this research were described as following. Qingwujing(靑烏經) as knows of Qingwujing's writer is very famous already in Han 한(漢) dynasty for his accurate FengShui methods. His FengShui thories getting more powerfyl from WeiChen(魏晉) to Tang(唐) dynasty. In Tang(唐) dynasty Qingwujing was abolished by government rulers, but it recovered and retouched by some scholars from Tang(唐) and Song(宋) dynasty. In the process, the block book of Qingwujing were changed for four or five kinds. Qingwujing's block books of Ming(明) dynasty are Yimenguangdu(夷門廣牘), Xiaoshisanjing(小十三經), Jujiabibei(居家必備), and Shuofu(說郛). It's block books of Qing(淸) dynasty are Gujintushujicheng(古今圖書集成), Sikuquanshu(四庫全書), Xuejintaoyuan(學津討原), and Ershierziquanji(二十二子全集). It's block book of Choson(朝鮮) dynasty is KyujangKak(奎章閣). Among them distinctive characters been founded, but the basic contents and theories are almost same. In Korea, Qingwuzi's FengShui theories were confirmed in Silla(新羅) dynasty, and it recoreded in Soongboksa inscription written by Choi-CheeWon. Qingwu(靑烏) or Qingwuzi were known for a great FengShui master of a FengShui standing theories in Koryeo(高麗) and Choson dynasty among royal families and the aristocratic classes. And Qingwujing was a representative FengShui theory book in wh0.1ole period of Choson dynasty. Now for understanding traditional FengShui theories, we have to understand the main FengShui theories on Choson dynasty at first. For understanding Choson FengShui, the study on philological character of Qingwujing is the basic works. If those works fulfilled successfully, we can understand FengShui theories and FengShu itself more correctly.

• 보존과학연구
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• 통권10호
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• pp.1-40
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• 1989

Between 1976 and 1984 approximately 26.7 tons of Chinese coins were recovered from a shipwreck which was found at the seabed of the Shin an area in the south-western coast of the Korean peninsula. Elements, Cu, Pb, Sn, Fe, Sb, As, Zn, Ag, Ni, Co and Mn, of 54 pieces of the coins were determined by Inductively Coupled Plasma Atomic Emission Spectroscopy(ICP-AIS). The result shows that Ch, Pb, and Sn were found to be major elements roughly the coins with the ratio of 7 : 2 : 1, respectively. Trace elements were classified into 3 levels according to the avarage concentration : Fe,As and Sb(0.1-0.5%), Ag, Mi, Co and Zn(100-1000ppm) and Mn(10ppm). Some systematic tendencies are observed in the composition change with a function of their minting ages .The Wuzhu coins(오수전) from the Eastern Han dynasty(A.D.25-219 )are much more abundant in Cu than the coins of Tang dynasty(A.D.618-907) and later periods. Major element compositions of the Kai -tong Vuan-Bao(개통원보) coins from the Tang dynasty, were remarkably variable. In general, however, the Tang dynasty coins were much more abundant in Cu than the Song dynasty(A.S.S60-1279) coins. The amount of major elements Cu and Sn decreases while that of Pb in creasesby passage of age from the Bei Song dynasty(A.D.960-1127) to later Nam Song dynasty (A.D.1127-1279 ). It means that the quality of coins mere degraded. The amounts of trace elemends(Fe, As, Co, Hn) increases with the above age. High amounts of trace elements are supposed to be a reflection of immaturity of minting techniques or use of impurity-rich raw materials. The Jin dynasty(A.D.1125-1234) coins are found to be rich in Sn and thus contain Pb as the third component. It is quite different from the coins of the Song dynasty. The Zhi-dai Tong-Bao(지대통보) coins of the Yuan dynasty from A.0.1310 are much more abundant in Cu and Sn than those of the Nam Song dynasty .

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제18권12호
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• pp.92-101
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• 2018

세계화 경향 속에서 각 나라와 각 지방의 고유한 문화적 특성을 계승 발전시키는 것은 중요하다. 중국의 전통적인 조명 기구는 그 당시 사람들의 생활방식과 생산방식에 의한 창작물이기에 그 사람들의 문화적 심미성과 실용성을 유출해 볼 수 있는 주요한 유물이다. 본 연구는 중국 역사에서 가장 부흥한 당나라의 조명 기구를 통하여 당시의 시대적 배경과 민족 문화적 의미를 이해하고자 한다. 이에 본 논문의 목적은 당나라 시대의 사회 배경, 종교 사상, 문화적 특징, 조명 기구의 특징에 대한 인식을 통하여 당나라 시대의 조명 기구 발전 경향을 고찰하는 것이다. 본 논문은 선행 연구의 다중요인 비교분석 방법을 통하여 당나라 시대 조명 기구가 지니는 7가지(기능, 조형, 연료, 사용 공간, 사용방법, 종교사상, 생활환경) 요인별 특징을 발견하였다. 또한 당나라 시대 조명 기구는 "조명 대중화, 조형의 보편적 단순화, 용도 다양화, 불교 영향력 확산"의 4가지 경향을 지님을 알 수 있었다. 이러한 경향은 문화적 고유성의 맥락과 계승적인 관점에서 현대 조명디자인에 새로운 모티브를 제공하는 의미를 지닌다.

• Asian review of World Histories
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.45-84
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• 2013

Empirical research into Đại Việt before the $14^{th}$ century has made little progress since the 1990s. To improve this situation, I here examine how the L$\acute{y}$ dynasty (1009-1226), the first long-lasting dynasty of Đại Việt, established stable local ruleafter the "Tang-Song Transition" in China that changed the entire picture of East Asia (including both Southeast and Northeast Asia). This paper focuses on two issues. First are the local administrative units and their governors. The nature of both higher units like lộ(circuits), phủ and ch$\hat{a}$u (provinces), and basic units like hươg and gi$\acute{a}$p (districts?) will be examined. Second, I examine non-institutional channels of local rule by the imperial family. By combining such administrative and non-administrative means, the L$\acute{y}$ central court enforced a considerably stable local rule for two centuries. Finally, I attempt some preliminary comparisons with the local rule of Goryeo (918-1392) in the Korean peninsula, a polity that shared many features with Đại Việt in the process of localization of the Tang and Song models. I hope this approach of viewing small empires from the standpoint not of their "goal" (modern states) but of their "start" (charter polities), will enrich the discussion of East Asian small empires.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제28권2호
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• pp.87-102
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• 2015

Objectives : I intended to find out the origin and development of symptom discrimination based on theory of triple energizers before Tang Dynasty(唐代). Methods : I extracted the topic-related contents from books in this era. After arraying them in a chronological order, I analyzed the materials. Results : The author in Zhong Zang Jing(中藏經) first mentioned that symptom of Huo Luan(霍亂) was deeply related with triple energizers. Ge Hong(葛洪) did not only come out with some symptoms and mechanisms for Shang Han(傷寒) and Za Bing(雜病), but also applied them to their usages for herb medicine. Chao Yuan Fang(巢元方) suggested its symptoms were more closely related with Shang Han and Za Bing than before. For the first time, Chao subdivided its symptoms to both cold-heat and weakness-strength sides. Sun Sai Miao(孫思邈) supplemented its discrimination invented by Chao(巢元方), adding more symptoms and prescriptions for triple energizers. Wang Tao(王燾) showed more prescriptions for triple energizers than before, and initially designed the discrimination for Huo Luan, diabetes(消渴), and epidemic Wen Bing(溫病). Conclusions : Before Tang dynasty, the symptom discrimination based on theory of triple energizers had been originated and developed for the purpose of repairing Za Bing, not just treating Wen Bing.

• Acta Via Serica
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• 제6권2호
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• pp.37-60
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• 2021

Before the tenth century, the dress of elite women in and around China often reflected "Han" Chinese fashions and preferences. In funerary paintings and relief sculptures of Sogdian and Xianbei couples from the sixth century, for example, women wear "Han" Chinese-style clothing. Even in the Tang dynasty (ca. 618-907), when exchange with Central Asia via overland Silk Road trade impacted the styles and patterning of elite dress and men incorporated clear Central Asian attributes into their dress, elite women in the Tang sphere wore recognizably Tang fashions. Chinese-style dress in these centuries clearly conveyed cultural import and, likely, political power, especially after the founding of the Tang dynasty. However, the straightforward borrowing of Tang women's dress shifted in the Khitan Liao dynasty (ca. 907-1125). The Liao, in contrast to other states that shared a border with China in previous centuries, saw themselves as political equals to the Song dynasty (ca. 960-1278) court in the south. The Liao court was interested in Song customs and culture and incorporated artistic motifs and practices from the Song court. However, the Liao courtly idiom was never fully subsumed into the greater world of the Song - rather, the Liao used facets of Song courtly culture for their own ends. One way this is manifested is through the dual administrative system, a bureaucratic organization that, among other things, regulated and distinguished between who was permitted to wear Khitan and non-Khitan dress. In this paper, I will examine the material evidence from funerary contexts for how the dress of elite Liao women both engaged with the dress of the Song, while also maintaining a certain amount of cultural autonomy. Through their dress, elite Liao women signaled clear messages about their status, identity, and difference to their Song counterparts.

• 한국의상디자인학회지
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• 제24권3호
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• pp.127-144
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• 2022

This paper aims to analyze the different external images of women expressed in ancient artwork through the socio-cultural background and the aesthetic view during the Tang and Song dynasties of China. The research method contains a literature review involving the collection of historical literature, thesis, and artwork data. The image of women according to the aesthetic view of the two periods is summarized as follows. In terms of face shape, the Tang pursued a round face while the Song pursued a more slender shape. As for hair ornamentation, the Tang wore various shapes of hair buns like "Paojiaji", and decorated them with coronets. The Song wore various types of braided hair called "Tongxinji", but the coronets were smaller and more sophisticated. For makeup, the Tang wore colorful and heavy makeup and the Song makeup was lighter and more elegant. In attire, the Tang followed revealed shape, used splendid colors and thin, transparent material. The Song exhibited a more simple design and was conservative and neat, using luxurious silk fabric with low chroma. In body shape, the Tang pursued the "beauty of obesity" with a voluptuous body shape; the Song pursued the "beauty of gaunt" with a slim body shape. As the result of the analysis according to the aesthetic views of the Tang and Song dynasties, women of Tang were depicted as rich, and women of Song were rather neat. The research on the aesthetic views that changed according to the development of social civilization and the status of women will play an active role in the transmission and development of traditional Chinese culture. At this point, the paper may contribute to the creation of images of women as well as changes in the art of future generations.