• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.100 no.2
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• pp.142-148
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• 2011

This study was carried out to clarify the change characteristics of stream water quality by type of forest from June to August, 2009 in three stands (Castanea crenata, Pinus densiflora and Plantation Land) of Samgye-ri Naedong-myeon Jinju-si Gyeongsangnam-do. The pH of stream water in three stands was highest in Pinus densiflora (pH 7.18) followed by Castanea crenata (pH 6.90) and Plantation land (pH 6.90) while the electrical conductivity of stream water was highest in Plantation land followed by Castanea crenata stand and Pinus densiflora stand was the lowest. Cations contents of stream water in three stands were high in order of $Ca^{2+}$, $Na^{+}$, $Mg^{2+}$, $K^{+}$, and $NH_{4}{^{+}}$. But anions of stream water in Castanea crenata stand and Pinus densiflora stand were high in order of $SO_{4}{^{2-}}$, $Cl^{-}$ and $NO_{3}{^{-}}$ while those of stream water in Plantation land were high in order of $SO_{4}{^{2-}}$, $NO_{3}{^{-}}$ and $C\lambda^{-}$. The stream water in three stands was significant at pH, EC, $NO{^{3-}}$, $Ca^{2+}$, $Mg^{2+}$, $Na^{+}$, $Cl^{-}$, TNU and Color by duncan test. These results indicate that quality of stream water have a difference among three stands. The level of pH, $NH_{4}{^{+}}$, $Cl^{-}$, $SO_{4}{^{2-}}$ and $NO_{3}{^{-}}$ of stream water in three stands were within the domestic use standard for drinking water. but turbidity and color of stream water were more than that of domestic use standard for drinking water. Therefore, non-point sources like urban forest watersheds which are soil erosion and fertilizer application lands should be taken to the appropriate mitigation measures if they are to be used as source of drinking water.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.70-77
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• 2011

This study takes road landscape of traditional Chinese Kangnam gardens in Suzhou as the object. It compares the relations and differences between preferences of Korean and Chinese on road landscapes with different rockery ratios, and studies the differences between Korean and Chinese's adjective visual characteristics of road landscape of traditional gardens and impacts of visual characteristics on preference. The following is the research process: Firstly, the theoretical survey of road landscape of traditional Chinese Kangnam gardens is conducted, pictures of the road landscape of gardens in Suzhou are taken, and 15 pictures are selected based on rockery ratio. Secondly, in order to grasp the visual preference and landscape characteristics of road landscape of garden in Suzhou, 15 pictures and 21 pairs of adjectives are adopted for the questionnaire survey. Thirdly, in order to grasp the differences between preferences of Korean and Chinese on road landscape of traditional Chinese Kangnam gardens, thet-test analysis is conducted. In order to grasp the impacts of rockery ratio on preference, and after the classification of landscape pictures based on rockery occupancy, the average analysis, factor analysis of results of questionnaire survey for Korean and Chinese are conducted respectively. In order to grasp the differences of incentives of landscape preference, the incentive analysis of results of questionnaire survey for Korean and Chinese is carried out. In order to grasp the impacts of various factors on the preference, The results are as follows: The results of analysis of differences between Korean and Chinese's preference on road landscape of traditional Chinese Kangnam gardens show that the overall preference of Chinese is higher than that of Korean. The results of the landscape preference analysis show that the ranking order of average value of Korean and Chinese's preference on rockery ratio categories is: medium ratio, very small ratio, small ratio, large ratio, very large ratio. The results of analysis of relations between rockery ratio of traditional Chinese Kangnam gardens and preference show that the preference increases as the rockery ratio decreases, and the rockery ratio variation causes greater impacts on Korean. Results of the analysis of visual characteristics, factors of visual characteristics of Koreans are "aesthetic factor", "comfort factor", "neat(orderly) factor", and "fun factor". The visual characteristics of Chinese has three factors, namely "psychological factor", "comfort factor", and "neat factor".

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.33
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• pp.329-354
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• 2016

Hyupryulrang was the position that announced the start and end of music in royal ceremonies. It appeared when the royal etiquette was categorized and implemented due to the five etiquette system, which was formed by the influence of Confucianism. Confucianism valued etiquette and music and this aspect was reflected in royal five etiquette, making music involved in royal ceremonies. So there was a need to have a mediator who will announce the insertion of music according to the process of royal ceremonies. For harmonious realization of royal ceremonies and music, hyupryulrang was indispensible. In Korea hyupryulrang appeared in Goryo era and lasted until Joseon era. Hyupryulrang during Joseon was handled by bongsanshi and once was taken by jeonak( 典樂) temporarily but finally was managed by officials in jang-akwon(掌樂院). Among the officials in jang-akwon, jang-akwon jeong(正) mainly served the role but jang-akwon chumjeong(僉正) and jang-akwon juboo(主簿) were sometimes recruited for the role according to circumstances. What was common among jang-akwon jeong, chumjeong, and juboo was that they were all danghakwan(堂下官). Danghakwan was an official who had the fundamental limitation of not being able to participate in policy making so was in a lower position compared to dangsangkwan. Meanwhile, according to circumstances of ceremonial process or the characteristics of ceremonies, gyeraseonjeonkwan(啓螺宣傳官), mushingyungseonjeonkwan(武臣兼宣傳官), and yeojipsa(女執事) were recruited as hyupryulrang instead of officials of jang-akwon, so that there would be no problems in ceremonies and performance of music. The activities of hyupryulrang can be summarized as setting up or laying down hui in most ceremonies that involved band. At night, however, as hui(麾) was invisible, jochok(照燭) or sometimes geumgogi(金鼓旗) was used. As for the term that referred to hyupryulrang, in case of royal banquet, the names of the ceremonial tools were borrowed such as geohuichabi(擧麾差備) and jochokchabi(照燭差備). The location of hyupryulrang was in the west on top of seogye(西階) facing toward the east, which was a position where hyupryulrang could watch the ceremonial process easily and be close to the band. That is, it was a position where one can see the space of ceremony and the space of music at the same time. Also, hyupryulrang was involved in musical parts related to ceremonies such as rehearsals, arrangement of the band, controlling the speed of music, and prevention of missing any musical pieces, and was in charge of such tasks. Hyupryulrang, who had to take charge of music in accordance with ceremonial procedure, was a mediator between royal ceremonies and music.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.27 no.4
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• pp.187-209
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• 2017

The purpose of this study was to highlight the necessity of a conceptual reestablishment of world university evaluations. The hitherto most well-known and validated world university evaluation systems such as Times Higher Education (THE), Quacquarelli Symonds (QS) or Academic Ranking of World Universities (ARWU) primarily assess big universities with quantitative evaluation indicators and performance results in the rankings. Those Systems have instigated a kind of elitism in higher education and neglect numerous small or local institutions of higher education, instead of providing stakeholders with comprehensive information about the real possibilities of tertiary education so that they can choose an institution that is individually tailored to their needs. Also, the management boards of universities and policymakers in higher education have partly been manipulated by and partly taken advantage of the elitist ranking systems with an economic emphasis, as indicated by research-centered evaluations and industry-university cooperation. To supplement such educational defects and to redress the lack of world university evaluation systems, a new system called 'U-Multirank' has been implemented with the financial support of the European Commission since 2012. U-Multirank was designed and is enforced by an international team of project experts led by CHE(Centre for Higher Education/Germany), CHEPS(Center for Higher Education Policy Studies/Netherlands) and CWTS(Centre for Science and Technology Studies at Leiden University/Netherlands). The significant features of U-Multirank, compared with e.g., THE and ARWU, are its qualitative, multidimensional, user-oriented and individualized assessment methods. Above all, its website and its assessment results, based on a mobile operating system and designed simply for international users, present a self-organized and evolutionary model of world university evaluation systems in the digital and global era. To estimate the universal validity of the redefinition of the world university evaluation system using U-Multirank, an epistemological approach will be used that relies on Edgar Morin's Complexity Theory and Karl Popper's Philosophy of Science.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.56
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• pp.47-80
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• 2018

The traditional laws of Korea have undergone various stages of development over time. This includes the voluntary standards of the clean society. Korea's traditional legal systems, ranging from those of the Goryeo(高麗) to those of the Republic of Korea, have taken Confucian Phiosophy as their major ideological bases. At the center of these Confucian ideals, particularly in regards to pre-Qin Confucian Philosophy(先秦儒家思想) from where these ideals originated, lie the core ideals which emphasize the responsibility of each individual regardless of the social status(正名), the needs for a democracy in which people are empower and guide the state(民本), the importance of reigning with benevolence, moral excellence, and rite (仁義), and the differential love centered on kinship and humanity(親親愛人). These were the ideas as set forth by Confucius(孔子), Mencius(孟子) and Xun Zi(荀子). The current laws of Korea, especially in regards to the Constitution and the Civil and Criminal Laws, include a number of provisions that contain the Confucian Ideas of Law. The Constitution, in particular, which is also supported by the judgement of the Constitution Court, reflects several core Confucian ideals including filial duty (孝) and respect for ascendants and the traditional culture. The Court also suggested the two important standards of the constitutional legitimacy of the Traditional Culture. One is 'Age Compatibility (時代 適合性)', the other is 'Manifested Universally Validity(現在的 普遍妥當性)'. So we have burdened with the reestablishment of the Universal Ethics of the Confucian Ideology.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.297-325
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• 2017

In this paper, the ideological features of Mohism were examined through the analysis into the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit and "universal love" based on it. Even before the viewpoint on justice and benefit became a main agenda in Confucianism, Mohism and the Hundred Schools of Thought, there had been discussions on it, and the relation between "justice" and "benefit" was generally understood as that of means and ends(本末) or that of the thing and its functions(體用). What succeeded to this tendency and set it as an individual's moral standard was the viewpoint of Confucianism including Confucius. Of course, the Confucian view was focused on the politicians or leaders of those times. Compared to which, Mohism represented the stance of their group members and pursued the interest of groups and the society rather than that of individuals. Accordingly, while Confucianism considered "justice" more important than "benefit", Mohism could understand both of them unificatively. The crucial reason why Mohism could be most active during the Warring States Period is that it had its metaphysical basis on "the disposition of Providence." Accompanying this, the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit was internally reflected in its key arguments including "universal love." That is so-called "Jianxiangai, Jiaoxiangli", that is to say, "that loving each other is namely benefiting each other." On the other hand, the fact that the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit, and furthermore, the ideological foundation of its ten main arguments including universal love was "the disposition of Providence" became a double-edged sword. It was because it could be easily accepted by the laborers, farmers, and craftsmen consisting of Mohism of those times, but it instead became the reason for falling into ruins since the establishment of the feudal empire of Qin and Han(秦漢). In the feudal empire, the ideology and activities of Mohism as an individual group couldn't be embraced. For example, the way to set "Heaven"(the heavenly king) above "the sovereign ruler" might be a decisive limit to the legitimacy and rationality of the regime. Moreover, the arguments by Mohism, such as "Jieyong", "Jiezang", "Feiyue" and others couldn't be taken easily by the privileged class. Therefore, Mohism couldn't do any activities as an academic school until Seojedongjeom(西勢東漸) during the Qing dynasty later, and it was different from Confucianism. In brief, ideas of Mohism including universal love ended up as an utopian idea historically, but the conception of sharing mutual interest along with mutual love and consideration with Confucianism from the position of the relatively disadvantaged in the society has a value worthy of being appreciated even today.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.345-378
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• 2017

In the scriptures of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the expression method of '$Ch{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng-zh{\bar{e}}ng-yu{\grave{e}}$(春王正月 : It's spring. It's the first month regulated by the king.)' was used as Jì-yuè-fǎ(紀月法 : the rules to determine the first month(正月)), the month of winter solstice was regarded as the first month of a year, and three years since then were named as $Ch{\bar{u}}n$(春 : spring). With regard to this "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"Wáng-lì("春秋"王曆 : the calendar regulated by the king of $Zh{\bar{o}}u$(周) dynasty in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"), depending on whether Confucius(孔子) changed and recorded the names of the months and the season or not, there were three different arguments; the theory that 'Confucius changed the names of both the months and the season'(孔子改月 改時說), the view that 'Confucius changed the name of the season, not the names of the months'(孔子不改月 改時說), and then the theory that 'Confucius changed neither the names of the months nor the name of the season'(孔子不改月 不改時) since Song(宋) dynasty. The first view was taken by $Hh{\acute{u}}-{\bar{a}}n-gu{\acute{o}}$(胡安國) and $C{\grave{a}}i-ch{\acute{e}}n$(蔡沈), and the second theory was mentioned by Chéng-yí(程?) and Zhū-zǐ(朱子). The advocates of the third view had become remarkable since Ming(明) dynasty, and one of representatives was Wàng-yáng-míng(王陽明). All of them based their arguments on ancient scriptures and Confucian legal books, and there were cases of taking the same records as the support for different opinions. Confucius' so-called 'Chūn-qiū-bǐ-fǎ(春秋筆法 : the method to describe historical facts by making clear discrimination between right and wrong)' and '$Sh{\grave{u}}-{\acute{e}}r-b{\grave{u}}-zu{\grave{o}}$(述而不作 : the attitude to succeed virtuous men's achievements and only explain and describe them not creating and adding new contents)' could come from thoughts of $Z{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng$(尊王 : to respect the king with the virtues of benevolence, righteousness, propriety, wisdom and sincerity). Therefore, even though Confucius is assumed to have been the writer of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", whether he actually changed and recorded the names of the months and the season in the calendar used in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" is doubtful. These theories on Confucius's intervention in the calendar of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" hadn't been discussed as conflicting in reality until Tang(唐) dynasty.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.57
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• pp.263-299
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• 2014

This study aims to look into weapons names mentioned in "Unhae", a book of traditional martial arts annotated into Korean. Comprehensive conclusions drawn from this are as follow. First, the annotated martial arts book is compiled to the order of Muyejaebo of year 1598, Muyejaebobunyuksokjib(A annotated attachment to Mooyejebo) of year 1610, Moojesinbo of year 1759, and Muyedobotongji of year 1790. Second, in the martial arts book are a total of 24 weapons with 4 types of spears, swords, bare hands & poles, and horseback weapons. Weapon names of ?Unhae? taken into detailed analysis, spears are 5 types of Jangchang (long spears), Jukjangchang (long spears made of bamboo), Keechang (flagged spears), Dgangpa (skewered spears), and Nangseon (forked spears). Swords are 10 types of Ssangsoodo (two-handed swords), Yedo (pointed swords), Waegum (Japanese swords), Waegumkyojun (Japanese battle swords), Jedokgum (Admiral's swords), Bongukgum (native swords), Ssanggum (coupled swords), Woldo (moon swords), Hyupdo (narrow swords), Deungpae (swords made of rattan). Bare hands & poles are 3 types of Gwonbeop (fists), 7070 Gonbang (clubs), and Pyeon-gon (flailed clubs). Horseback weapons are 6 types of flagged spears, MasangSsanggum (coupled horseback spears), MasangWoldo (horseback moon swords), MasangPyeon-gon (horseback flailed clubs), Kyukgoo (striking poles), and Masangjae (horse postures). Third, spears of the martial arts book, "Unhae" had the function as long weapons and were used for military drills of the infantry. Swords had the function as short weapons, and were used for military drills of the infantry. Bare hands & poles had the function as short weapons and were used for military drills of the infantry. Horseback weapons composed of short and long weapons were used for military drills of the cavalry. In addition to these, Kyukgoo (striking poles), and Masangjae (horse postures) were martial arts to which entertaining elements were added. Fourth, the difference in its compiling is that Mooyejebo and A annotated attachment to Mooyejebo place both Chinese characters and Korean annotation in the context together with introduction of weapons while Moojedobo Tongji explains weapons in Chinese and compiles a separate copy of Korean annotation that explains mainly postures in each lineage of martial arts for soldiers to acquire practical skills.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.1-50
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• 2016

This paper aims to investigate the cultural conflicts and characteristics of anti-Korean Wave discourse taken placed among Southeast Asian countries. To do this, it takes Vietnam and Indonesia as the study cases, which have been showing a trend of anti-Korean Wave discourse as well as high popularity of Hallyu. As research methods, the paper analyzes both on-line discourses of anti-Korean Wave and the email audience interviews from both countries. The results show some significant differences between the two countries as well as the similarity that Anti-Korean Wave discourses have been actively produced and disseminated through on-line media. As for Indonesia, the Anti-Korean Wave discourse pivots on the elements clashing between Indonesia's religion and cultural values and Korean consuming culture. According to the Anti-Korean Wave discourse, K-pop contents and entertainers are criticized for damaging the society's morals and cultural identities based on Islamic rules and values. Thus, the sentiment of the Anti-Korean Wave is likely to lead to the cultural nationalism for the sake of their cultural identity. As for Vietnam, anti-Korean Wave discourse mainly consists of issues on enthusiastic K-pop fans' anti-social behaviors and generational conflicts which are presumed attributed as the chief factor of the Anti-Korean Wave. In the Vietnamese discourse, social elites and adults treat the enthusiastic K-pop fans as those who are in need of educational care or psychological therapy. Unlike the Indonesian case, anti-Korean Wave discourse in Vietnam criticized the K-pop and the performer's competence for being cheap sexy and incompetence. They also denounce Korean dramas for their trite, typical story lines, use of excessive emotion, and unrealistic nature. However, the two country's interview participants have in common both acknowledged that rather than considering the Anti-Korean Wave as an issue that needs to be resolved it should be embraced as a natural cultural phenomenon.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.43
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• pp.7-31
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• 2011

Danjong had suffered the worst misfortune in the history of Lee Dynasty. His throne was usurped by Sejo, his uncle and he was banished to Youngwol where he ended his life for good. Youngwol remembers the last moment of this tragic person clearly through the various traditional stories passed down from the past. In this study, the works assumed to be formed in the contemporary times among Danjong-related stories were targeted. Time of story creation is not known but it could be assumed that the time when heroine of the story was lived may be coincided with the time of traditional story creation, in this story created in a form of experience story. If any objects or elements that may lead to time of traditional story are contained in the story, we may be able to identify the time of traditional story. All of , and were created in the contemporary times. However, these traditional stories are not new at all. If any personal experience story is added on the existing transmitted traditional story, deviation of traditional story near to recreation is taken place. Traditional Danjong story created like this in the contemporary times have some characteristics. First, transmission power of maintaining Danjong story up to the present times was expanded from a nature of misfortune and holiness to general eccentricity. Ability of deity derived from Danjong's grief and grudge is weakened as time goes by and this story is substituted by an amazing things that can be experienced by anybody. Second, at present, Danjong story is transformed to a form of folktale. Danjong story has developed into a myth through deification from a personal legend. This myth is transformed into a folktale everybody can experience in the contemporary times. Third, this story has been recreated in a form of experience story, not a modification. It is said that as the personal experience story is combined with existing traditional stories, a new work of traditional story is created. It could be observed that through contemporary Danjong story, traditional story of historical person could be created in the contemporary times as well and additionally, a process that personal experience story is positioned as a traditional story could be observed. Now is the time to pay attention to various traditional stories being created in the contemporary times like experience stories.