• Proceedings of the Korean Institute of Information and Commucation Sciences Conference
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• 2015.10a
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• pp.455-457
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• 2015

Since V-2, the first ballistic missile was developed during world war II, ballistic missile threat is increasing consistently due to science technology progress. United States is constructing and operating BMDS(Ballistic Missile Defense System) to defend homeland and allies. Various Interceptors will try intercept ballistic missile detected by sensors at boost phase, midcourse phase or terminal phase. THAAD(Terminal High Altitude Area Defense) is intercept system that intercept ballistic missile at high altitude of terminal phase. In this paper, concept of U.S. BMDS, and operational and technical characteristics of THAAD is surveyed and described.

• Journal of Korea Trade
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.21-42
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• 2023

Purpose - This paper investigates the trade effect of the Korea-China Free Trade Agreement (KCFTA) which coincides with political conflicts between the two countries due to the deployment of the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) in Korea. The two events occurred in the same year and both are likely to affect trade between two countries but in opposite directions. Therefore, it is crucial to distinguish between the trade effects from the KCFTA event and those from the THAAD event to evaluate the true FTA effects. However, this would be difficult when using only annual data. Accordingly, ex post studies to examine the trade effects of KCFTA are lacking in trustworthiness while many ex ante studies that conjecture the positive trade effects neglect the THAAD deployment impact. This paper aims to fill that gap. Design/methodology - Given that the KCFTA and THAAD events occurred in the same year but in different months, we use the monthly data from 2000 to 2019 of Korea's exports to bracket this period. We employ the difference-in-difference (DID) method within a gravity equation specification that uses hi-dimensional fixed effects to address various endogeneity issues and seasonal effects. We identify the net impact of KCFTA ratification from these two near-simultaneous events to quantify the effects of trade liberalization between these two countries. Findings - After isolating the THAAD effects on trade, the analysis creates a positive and statistically significant coefficient estimate of the KCFTA impact. In contrast, failing to isolate the THAAD effect produced a negative and statistically significant coefficient estimate of the KCFTA impact. Our results indicate that KCFTA independently increased Korea's exports to China by 10.2%, but that this increase was fully mitigated by the THAAD event. Further, our results verify that unobserved heterogeneity and multilateral resistance are technically difficult to account for in those estimations as that rely solely upon annual data, as this type of data are inadequate to control for the potential for endogeneity. Originality/value - This paper is one of the first studies to carefully evaluate the net trade effects of the KCFTA on Korea's largest trading partner while isolating the impact of simultaneously occurred political events that may influence trade in opposing directions. Our findings indicate that the lack of prior evidence of positive trade effects of the KCFTA when using annual data may be attributed to a failure to identify the impact of each event separately. This analysis supports using the correct modeling specification to avoid misleading conclusions when evaluating any important international trade policy.

• Strategy21
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• s.39
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• pp.114-139
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• 2016

Korea and China are neighboring countries with close contacts in many areas from long time ago, and have shared interests in maintaining peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula, and in deepening economic relationship which has been mutually complementary in their nature. Therefore their bilateral relations has been developed at a remarkable pace to the extent that it can't be better than now. However, the differences in their responses to North Korean nuclear test and ensuing long-range ballistic missile test-fire and the Chinese strong concern on the possible deployment of THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Air Defence) anti-missile system in Korea show that there are some weaknesses in their relations. For example, Korea is not still confident that China would fully implement the sanction measures contained in the UNSC resolution and I argue that Chinese proposal of parallel negotiation of the denuclearization and the replacement of Korean armistice with the Peace Agreement is not much persuasive. In THAAD issue, if Korea comes to conclusion in the future that THAAD is the most effective way to counter North Korean threats, Korea should make every efforts to assure China that Korea-US alliance is not targeting China, and the THAAD is a defensive system, not damaging Chinese security. In the longer-term, deepening strategic distrust and competition between the US and China in this part of East Asia, changing nature of economic cooperation between Korea and China, and the revival of 'great country mentality' by Chinese people together with the rising nationalism in both Korea and China would cast shadow on Korea-China relation in the years ahead, unless properly handled. In this regard, I suggest that the security communications between the two countries be further strengthened, and the tri-lateral dialogue channel be established among the three countries of Korea, the US and China, particularly on North Korean issues. I also suggest the new pattern of economic cooperation be sought, considering the changing economic environment in China, while strengthening the efforts to understand each other through more interactions between the two peoples.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.83-93
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• 2017

The U.S.-China Relations could be analyzed two perspectives and their basis under major international p olitics theory-power transition with conditions: (1) North Korean's nuclear puzzle, (2) THAAD in the Kor ean Peninsula and (3) the U.S.-ROK Alliance. One perspective is the global order dominates the regional order, and then stable regional order comes out. The other is the regional order dominates the global ord er, and China wages a regional hegemonic conflict against the United States. Consequently, America's o verwhelming leadership in North Korean's nuclear, THAAD and U.S.-ROK Alliance as national power is expected to endure. But China also has expected empowerment and cooperation for the peace and stabilit y on the Korean Peninsula military problems. In this perspective, South Korea needs to pay attention to the changing power distribution and competition between the U.S. and China and needs to strengthen a balancing and harmonious diplomatic strategy, so called 'see-saw diplomacy'.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Propulsion Engineers Conference
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• 2017.05a
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• pp.353-357
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• 2017

The research trends and major technologies of the divert attitude control system(DACS), which is the core of the anti-missile system, are described. The operating concept and characteristics according to the fuel used are summarized. The characteristics of typical weapon system applying solid(SM3 Block IB/IIA) and liquid(THAAD) fuels were discussed. In the future, it will be necessary to study various types of DACS in the strategic concept of the defense weapon system.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.84
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• pp.152-188
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• 2017

This study stereotyped the media on the basis of ideological inclinations and media types and explored the news coverage through word analysis, network analysis, and frame analysis. There was no difference between conservative media and progressive media in terms of the amount of news. The conservative mainstream media considered the THAAD rumor as an unnecessary misunderstanding and a rumor based conflict of the south-south. The progressive mainstream media mentioned much about Hwang Gyoan, external influences, and lies and highlighted the government's opinion that there was external influence that spread a vicious rumor. Conservative media mentioned on the bringing about social disturbance and in case of progressive media mentioned social disturbance, and progressive media mentioned the responsibility of government and the attitude of conservative media about the diffusion of the rumor. In conclusion the press framed the THAAD rumor on the basis of their ideological inclinations instead of the role of journalist.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.30-48
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• 2019

China has initiated a series of "economic sanctions" against South Korea, affecting Korean pop stars visiting China and Korean investments in China. Sanctions were imposed on South Korea in response to the decision of South Korea to deploy Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) in 2016. Furthermore, the Global Daily assembled local population to boycott Korean products and investments in China. However, the Chinese Foreign Ministry has never positively confirmed these activities as economic sanctions to South Korea related to the THAAD installation. In other words, the Chinese government singled a relatively weak message via these sanctions to South Korea. As a result, the THADD implementation continued in South Korea. In the paper, I interpret China's rationale to impost puzzling economic sanctions, which have a weak resolution, to South Korea and Taiwan. As signaling theory argues, economic sanctions with insufficient resolution, which are more likely to fail, is a more provocative foreign policy. By reviewing China's sanctions usage to South Korea and Taiwan, I propose arguments of bureaucratic competition to answer why China launched such sanctions to other countries: those are caused by domestic institutions who are seeking reward from the Communist Party of China. By comparing shifts of leadership between domestic agencies, the paper provides evidence to support the proposed argument. I also include two alternative explanations to strengthen the proposed argument, albeit connecting the paper with other two larger streams of research, which address analyses of China's aggressive foreign policies as well as the domestic politics of economic sanctions.

• Korean Journal of Communication Studies
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• v.25 no.5
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• pp.81-101
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• 2017

The purpose of this paper is two folds: Korean media contents, which has led the Korean Wave in China in 1990s will be reviewed, and the causes of the negative feelings of Korean Wave that have occurred among Chinese netizens will be factored out in order to suggest the solutions to this conflict situation. The reviews and comments on the China's major portal site, Tienya were analyzed by the key words that causes the conflict between China and Korea. Of the total 340,000 responses, politics, history and entertainment are categorized by the keywords, and the largest portion of the netizen's comments are found to be political issues with 34%, particularly the issues related to the THAAD. This means that the negative feeling toward the Korean Wave is more closely related to politics rather than the media contents. Therefore, in order to overcome the negative feelings in China and maintain the stable relationship with the two countries in the midst of the changing US-China situation, it is necessary to lead the media business with high quality contents along with the mutual understanding and cooperation of the media content producers. It is also necessary to try to approach Chinese market in a cooperative and stable way through co-production or joint venture with Chinese media. In consequence, the excellence of Korean cultural contents and the cultural ties with Chinese media market will be identified with in-depth understanding of Chinese nationalism, Sinocentrism and Chinese culture.

• Defense and Technology
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• no.5 s.291
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• pp.54-65
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• 2003

실전에 배치될 미국의 차세대 지상발사 탄도미사일 방어시스템은 Lockheed Martin사가 주계약 업체로 개발 중인 미 육군의 THAAD(Theater High Altitude Area Defense) 시스템이 될 것으로 예상된다. 프로젝트 정의 및 위험감소 단계는 1995년에 시작되었으며, 체계개발 단계는 2003년 시작되고 이어서 2004년에는 발사시험이 실시될 예정이다. 그리고 연간 40기의 미사일을 생산하는 초도생산단계는 2006년경에, 최종적인 양산은 2008년부터 시작되어 연간 320기의 미사일을 생산할 계획이다. 1999년 8월에 실시된 발사시험에서 고도 100km 이상의 표적을 대기권 밖에서 요격하는 데 성공한 바있다.

• Journal of Aerospace System Engineering
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.98-104
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• 2016

This research describes the functional requirements of anti-ship ballistic missile (ASBM) defense systems, which depend on the threat characteristics of the ASBM. Recently, China has carried out a training launch of the DF-21D strategic countermeasures for the placement of Korean terminal high-altitude air defense (THAAD). The ASBM is being used as a primary means of attacking aircraft carriers, using an anti-access/area denial (A2/AD) strategy. Considering the missile technology connection between China and North Korea, there is a very high probability that North Korea already owns an ASBM. From this point of view, work with Aegis operational concepts provided implications for an ASBM threat. Utilizing quality function deployment (QFD) based on the operational concepts, the functional requirement were calculated.