• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.144-151
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• 2005

This study examined food culture appearing in Giroyeon paintings in the late Chosun Dynasty (early $17^{th}{\sim}l9^{th}$ century), a period under political and economical difficulties in overcoming frustrations and looking for self-restoration methods after Imjinweran$(1592{\sim}1598)$ and Byungjahoran$(1636{\sim}1637)$. Paintings related to Giroyeon include Lee Gi-ryong's $(1600{\sim}?)$ painted in 1629 under the reign of King Injo $(1623{\sim}1649)$, painted jointly by Kim Jin-yeo et al. in 1720, the first year of King Gyeongjong $(1720{\sim}1724)$ and Kim Hong-do's painted in 1804 under the reign of King Sunjo $(1800{\sim}1834)$ in the early $19^{th}$ century. These paintings over three centuries of the late Chosun show changes in the character of Giroyeon, food culture and tableware culture, etc. According to these paintings, the character of Giroyeon was expanded from a feast held for high civil officials to a banquet comprehending general civil servants. These paintings show Hyangeumjueui, which means the decorum of respecting and sowing the aged men of virtue with alcohol beverage, table manner, seated culture represented by cushions and mats and individual-table culture. In addition, the expansion of demand for sunbaikja and chungwhabaikja and the diversification of vessels and dishes are demonstrated in Giroyeon paintings after Imjinweran in 1592. in this way, Giroyeon paintings show the historical characteristics of the late Chosun Dynasty, such as the collapse of Yangban-centered political system, the disintegration of the medieval system due to the emergence of the Silhak and the diversification of food culture.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.32 no.8
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• pp.1255-1263
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• 2008

Study on Hwal-ot, woman's wedding robe of the Joseon Dynasty, has been limited to the Princess Bock-on's Hwal-ot and some folk remains. In this study, I tried to identify formative characteristics of Hwal-ot by studying embroidery design patterns in the royal Hwal-ot. On Mar 26, 2007, I inspected total of 15 pieces of embroidery design patterns for Hwal-ot held at the National Palace Museum of Korea. I classified them into three types of Hwal-ot by considering characteristics in embroidery design patterns as well as composition of embroidery design patterns held by the private. For the Hwal-ot embroidery design pattern type I, there is a calligraphy called "Embroidery Design Pattern of Red Long Robe for leo-dong Palace", which is presumed to be the embroidery design pattern of Princess Deok-on, the third daughter of King Sunjo and a little sister to Princess Bock-on. Its patterns are very similar to that of Princess Bock-on's, with similar flower patterns and treasure patterns, as well as overall stripy structure. The Hwal-ot embroidery design pattern type II maintains the same flower patterns and butterfly patterns as in the type I, but does not have the striped decorative. The Hwal-ot embroidery design pattern type III has illustrative design with waves and mountain at the background and a pair of water birds flying around lotus. In particular, the type III design has a nine phoenix pattern at the front part of the robe, illustrating nine baby phoenixes (four in the left, five in the right) under a mother phoenix, which is closer to characteristics found in the Hwal-ot embroidery design patterns at the end of the Joseon dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.196-221
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• 2011

The Royal Private Shrines or the Samyo(私廟), were dedicated to members of Choseon's royal family who could not be enshrined at the (official) Royal Ancestral Shrine, the Jongmyo(宗廟). The Samyo were constructed at the national level and were systematically managed as such. Because these private Shrines were dedicated to those who couldn't belong to the Jongmyo but were still very important, such as the ruling king's biological father or mother. The details of all royal constructions were included in the State Event Manuals, and with them, the two-dimensional layouts of the Samyo also. From the remaining "Hyunsa-gung Private Tomb Construction Layout Record(顯思宮別廟營建都監儀軌)" of 1824, which is the construction record of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine(景祐宮) dedicated to Subin, the mother of King Sunjo(純祖), it became possible to investigate the so far unknown "The Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine", in terms of the year produced, materials used and other situational contexts. The investigation revealed that the "The Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine" is actually the "Hyunsa-gung Private Tomb Layout" produced by the Royal Construction Bureau. The bureau painted this to build Hyunsa-gung Private Shrine in a separately prepared site outside the court in 1824, according to the royal verdict to close down and move the temporary shrine inside the courtyard dedicated to Subin who had passed away in 1822. As the Construction Bureau must have also produced the Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine Layout, the painter(s) of this layout should exist among the official artists listed in the State Event Manual, but sadly, as their paintings have not survived to this day, we cannot compare their painting styles. The biggest stylistic character of the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is its perfect diagonal composition method and detailed and neat portrayalof the many palace buildings, just as seen in Donggwoldo(東闕圖, Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). A well-perceiving architectural painting employs a specific point of view chosen to fit the purpose of the painting, or it can opt to the multi-viewpoint. Korean traditional architectural paintings in early ages utilized the diagonal composition method, the bird-eye viewpoint, or the multi-viewpoint. By the 18th century, detailed but also artistic architectural paintings utilizing the diagonal method are observed. In the early 19th century, the peak of such techniques is exhibited in Donggwoldo(Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). From the perfect diagonal composition method employed and the details of the palace buildings numbering almost two hundreds, we can determine that the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine also belongs to the same category of the highly technical architectural paintings as Donggwoldo(Painting of a panoramic view for Changdeokgung and Changgyeonggung Palaces). We can also confirm this hypothesis by comparing the painting techniques employed in these two paintings in detailthe way trees and houses are depicted, and the way ground texture is expressed, etc. The unique characteristic of the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is, however, that the area surrounding the central shrine building(正堂), the most important area of the shrine, is drawn using not the diagonal method but the bird-eye viewpoint with the buildings lying flat on both the left and right sides, just as seen in the "Buildings Below the Central Shrine(正堂以下諸處)" in the State Event Manual's Painting Method section. The same viewpoint method is discovered in some other concurrent paintings of common residential buildings, so it is not certain that this particular viewpoint had been a distinctive feature for shrine paintings in general. On the other hand, when the diagonalmethod pointing to the left direction is chosen, the top-left and bottom-right sections of the painting become inevitably empty. This has been the case for the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine, but in contrast, Donggwoldo shows perfect screen composition with these empty margins filled up with different types of trees and other objects. Such difference is consistent with the different situational contexts of these two paintings: the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine is a simple single-sheet painting, while Donggwoldo is a perfected work of painting book given an official title. Therefore, if Donggwoldo was produced to fulfill the role of depiction and documentation as well as the aesthetic purpose, contrastingly, the Painting of Gyeongwoo-gung Shrine only served the purpose of copying the circumstances of the architecture and projecting them onto the painting.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.63-146
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• 2002

Huh-Im(許任, 1570~1647) was an acupuncture doctor of Chosun(朝鮮) era through the late 16th century and early 17th century. Even though he was a person of low birth, he participated in the loyal medication through three loyal generations, Sunjo(宣祖), Kwanghaegun(光海君) and Injo(仁祖). He was recognized of his services and became an official, 'Dangsanggwan'(堂上官) and Kyunggi(京畿) district official several times. In the early Chosun era, acupuncture medicine was focused. During the late 16th century, Imjin(壬辰) war aroused more needs about acupuncture medicine, and acupuncture doctors showed remarkable work. Under these circumstances, Huh-Im(許任)'s fame spread throughout the country. Huh-Im(許任) wrote ChimGuKyungHumBang("鍼灸經驗方") in 1644 based on his lifetime clinical acupuncture & moxibustion experience. It was the first specialized book of acupuncture in Chosun era. This event took place 30 years after DongEuiBoGam - Acupuncture Chapter("東醫寶鑑-鍼灸篇") was published. But it was not influenced much by DongEuiBoGam - Acupuncture Chapter("東醫寶 鑑-鍼灸篇") in the form or contents. ChimGuKyungHumBang("鍼灸經驗方") and Huh-Jun(許浚)'s DongEuiBo- Gam - Acupuncture Chapter("東醫寶鑑-鍼灸篇") were the fruits of the middle Chosun, and they are complementary to each other in theory and practice. The chief distinctions of ChimGuKyungHumBang("鍼灸經驗方") are in it's compact and practical edition and a lot of his clinical acupuncture prescriptions mentioned in the book. Huh-Im(許任) not only accepted the existing books such as NaeKyung("內經"), DongInSuHyulChimGuDoKyung and Shin- Eung Kyung("神應經") with his point of view and clinical experience, but also showed creative operation of studies. Indicating incorrect acupuncture points(訛穴), acupuncture remedy based on the visceral pathogenesis(臟腑病機) and the channel pathogenesis, research on new acupuncture points, sorting out plenty of outer meridian acupuncture points(經外奇穴), creating supplementary and purging acupuncture method(鍼補瀉法) which is a change of hand treatment of KiHyoYangBang("奇效良方"), operating variety of acupuncture and moxibustion treatments, and application of acupuncture treatments on surgery field such as intumescences and emergency cases are the examples. Huh-Im(許任)'s ChimGuKyungHumBang("鍼灸經驗方") influenced on the folk remedy books(民間經驗方書) in the late Chosun era. Compact and practical characteristics of the book let acupuncture treatment be freindly to the people. It can be confirmed in JeungBoSanRimKyungJe-Emergency Chapter("增補山林經濟-救急篇") or the formation of SaAmChimBob(舍巖鍼法). ChimGuKyungHumBang("鍼灸經驗方") was introduced to Japan in 18th century and published twice. ChimGuJibSung("鍼灸集成"), known as an acupuncture medical book of late Qing dynasty(淸末, 1874), is confirmed to be an plagiarization of DongEuiBoGam-Acupuncture Chapter("東醫寶鑑-鍼灸篇") and ChimGuKyungHum- Bang("鍼灸經驗方") of 17th century Chosun. Confusions and errors arouse from mistaken editional trend of ChimGuJIbSung("鍼灸集成") which had not disclosed it's original author and the title of the book must be reformed. In this way, fruits of acupuncture of the middle Chosun era including Huh-Im(許任)'s ChimGuKyungHumBang("鍼灸經驗方") will take a right place in acupuncture medicine history.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.17-26
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• 2020

The planning acumen led by the crown prince stands out during the banquets that were held continually during the reign of Crown Prince Hyomyung around the late Joseon period from 1827 to 1929. If we examine the changes in banquet space during the period that Crown Prince Hyomyung ruled by proxy, the Jagyeongjeon(慈慶殿) in Changgyeonggung Palace, which was built during the time of King Jeongjo was repaired after the in 1827 during the reign of the crown prince and appeared in its changed form in Muja Jinjakin 1828. It is believed that the Jagyeongjeonwas expanded and repaired during the reign of Crown Prince Hyomyung to conduct banquets for important guests. Jagyeongjeon which was repaired during the crown prince's reign, is a space where banquets were continuously held during the three years that he reigned, and we can see that it is an important space for royalty where the authority of King Sunjo, Queen Sunwon, and Crown Prince Hyomyung was reflected. Yeongyeongdan(演慶堂) was a structure built in 1828, which is after the period when the Jagyeongjeonwas changed in 1827, and it is a space that emerged during the reign of the crown prince. Hwanchwijeong(環翠亭), which was constructed during the time of King Seongjong was changed after 1827 during the reign of Crown Prince Hyomyung and appeared in its changed form in Muja Jinjakin 1828. Hwanchwijeongwas the place where the Crown Prince Hyomyung stayed and planned banquets and it was repaired along with Jagyeongjeonin 1827. During his reign, the political intent of the crown prince was reflected not in superficial political spaces but in spaces where banquets were held and accordingly the main spaces for banquets and their related royal palace locations were changed or newly established. You need to briefly explain what this and Muja Jinjak are. New information is not provided in this paragraph. You have already established why the crown prince renovated the banquets and its significance in the first two paragraphs. You could just add "Jagyeongjeon(慈慶殿), Yeongyeongdan(演慶堂), and Hwanchwijeong(環翠亭) in Changgyeonggung Palace during his reign were changed and renovated during the time when the royal banquets of the 19th century were getting established. It was spaces that reflected the royal family and royal authority" to the end of the second paragraph and it would convey your intended meaning.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.155-193
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• 2012

From the part "歷代醫學姓氏(Historic Doctors)" in "醫林撮要(Uirimchualyo)", the following has been noticed and concluded. 1. Because acupuncture was originated from stony needle, the word "石(sok)" contains the meaning of needle, and from this point on, words like 石(sok), 砭石(pyumsok), 箴石(Jamsok), 鑱石(Chamsok) had been derived. 2. The word 砭石(pyumsok) used in "Hwangjenaekyong(Yellow Emperor's Canon of Medicine or Hwangdineijing)" should be interpreted as acupuncture in a verb form, not a noun form. 3. 鑱石(Chamsok) or 鑱鍼(Chamchim) was used for surgical treatment for tumor, by cutting open tumors and pressing the pus out. Therefore, 砭石(pyumsok), 鑱石(Chamsok) are the same kind of needles, and 鑱鍼(Chamchim) is the tool improved from 鑱石(Chamsok) used in the Bronze Age. 4. Kwakpak put a note on 鑱石(Chamsok) in "山海經(Sanhaekyong)" that reads "it is defined as 砥鍼(Jichim) and treats tumor." This let us know the shape of 石(sok), 砭石(pyumsok), 鑱(Chamsok), 鑱鍼(Chamchim), and the stone that can be used as a surgical tool with slim & sharp shape is obsidian. 5. Because obsidian is only found around Mt. Baekdu and limited area in South Korea & Japan in Asia, it is closely related with the life & medical environment of the tribe "Mt. Baekdu". 6. The development of 鑱鍼(Chamchim) was influenced by surgical treatment used in early stage of civilization, and its origin is traced upto Gochosun dynasty. Korea's own traditional medical knowledge is derived from this surgical treatment skill. 7. Because the acupuncture is originated from Gochosun dynasty, 鍼(chim) was derived from 箴(Jam) of 箴石(Jamsok), 䥠(Chim) & 䥠(Chim) both were used for a time being, and finally settled into 鍼(Chim). 8. The word 針(Chim) showed up at Myung dynasty, and started to be used in Korea from early Chosun dynasty. 9. In the early Chosun dynasty, 鍼(Chim) was used for medical term, and 針(Chim) for non-medical term. In the mid Chosun dynasty, 針(Chim) was used as a term for tool, and 鍼(Chim) as a term for acupunctural medical treatment. 10. Under the order of King Sunjo, Dr. Yesoo Yang published "醫林撮要(Uirimchualyo)", added "醫林撮要續集(Sequel to Uirimchualyo)", and added "歷代醫學姓氏(Historic Doctors)" again which eventually made totally 13 books of "醫林撮要(Uirimchualyo)". In addition, many parts of "醫林撮要續集(Sequel to Uirimchualyo)" were quoted in "東醫寶鑑(Donguibogam)", and influenced much in publishing "Donguibogam". 11. In "歷代醫學姓氏(Historic Doctors)" of "醫林撮要(Uirimchualyo)", the same way in "Donguibogam", referred to 針(Chim) as a term for a needle, and 鍼(Chim) as a term for Acupuncture. 12. From the usage of 針(Chim) & 鍼(Chim), shown in "鄕藥集成方(Hyangyakjipsungbang)", "醫林撮要(Uirimchualyo)" and "東醫寶鑑(Donguibogam)", we can notice the spirit of doctors who tried to take over the legitimacy of Korean tradition, and their elaboration & historical view that expresses confidence on our own medical technology, through the wording 鍼(Chim).

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.4
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• pp.24-47
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• 2013

This study focused on the constructional concepts, landscape design techniques and changes made of the Sandan(山壇) area in the rear garden of Changdeokgung Palace based on the spatial organization of the zone. The results of this study are as below. Constructional layers that have been maintained throughout the centuries from King Injo(仁祖), King Sukjong(肅宗), King Sunjo(純祖), the Japanese colonial period to the present, were found in the Sandan area. The Sandan area, which was developed with the establishment of Chuiseungjeong(取勝亭) during the ruling of King Injo(仁祖), was created as a resting place for the King, and its usage continued until King Sukjong(肅宗) built Nakminjeong(樂民亭). However, the whole area was reorganized to host ritual ceremonies, where ancestral rites were performed for the mountain gods, after Sandan and Baekunsa(白雲社) were built during King Gojong's reign, before the drawing of 'Painting of Eastern Palaces(東闕圖).' The architectural component used then appears to have been designed to serve ancestral ritual formalities for the god of land, or to satisfy the religious desires of the royal family not fulfilled by Confucian courtesy. These are characteristics that define the Sandan area. Meanwhile, the analysis of the ground plan of the Changdeokgung Palace revealed that the Sandan had been maintained until the Japanese colonial era, but was removed sometime after liberation. The area underwent extensive reform in the early 1970s, when the whole area was developed into a tourist destination called Bingcheon(氷泉). Then, a new road that runs through Bingcheon was laid, and the present condition reflects the construction result of the time. An interview with a person who had taken part in the repair work in the 1970s confirmed that the construction work at the time had the goal of establishing two drainage systems for drinking water and copied the Okryuchon(玉流川) well.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.64-81
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• 2017

Among the royal ceremonies of the Joseon Dynasty era, the articles used in the Jinjak ceremony are symbolic icons of their value during the era. It is very important to identify the purpose of the articles whose usage is ambiguous, by referring to various historical records. Moreover, it should be possible to classify the characteristics and the special context of the article during this process. To accomplish this purpose, I examined the articles related to and used in the processes of Jinjak ceremonies of Outer Jinchan of Myeongjeongjeon and Inner Jinchan of Jagyeongjeon, which are part of the Gichuk Jinchan Ceremony performed in February of the 29th year of King Sunjo. Especially, the definition of Jinjak will not just be limited to the action of offering liquor, but will include the whole series of procedures in offering the liquor. This is because the specific action of offering the liquor expresses cultural concepts and values that have meaning within the historical situation and context in the specific action of offering the liquor. There are three characteristics of the articles related to the Jinjak process of Outer Jinchan and Inner Jinchan of Gichuk Jinchan Ceremony. First, the articles of Jinjak are ranked strictly exactly according to the social status rankings. Second, the Jinjak articles are arranged for their symbolic meanings rather than their purpose. Third, the articles of Jinjak are symbolic icons expressing the values inherent in the process of offering liquor. Recently, there are events reviving the royal court banquet and the increase of interest in the royal culture. It such a situation, the systematic examination of articles of royal court banquets will be a process needed to restore the royal ceremony correctly in the future, and will be the foundation for studying the royal culture of the Joseon dynasty era.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.38
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• pp.129-162
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• 2013

Noju Oh Hui-sang was a Confucian who was active during the reign of King Sunjo in late Joseon Dynasty and he also was a master of the Sallim faction. Though he is known as an eclectic Neo-Confucian, he had profound knowledge in the study of Confucian classics as well through succeeding the family study handed down by his father Oh Jae-sun and his oldest brother Oh Yun-sang. This thesis hereby examines Noju's Confucianism doctrine and its characteristics. Noju's Confucianism doctrine is characterized significantly with the following aspects. First, its analyses are detailed overall and it annotates chapters and verses mostly related to Neo-Confucian theories on interpretation of the Confucian classics. Second, it conducts in-depth study not only on Chu Hsi's annotation but also on the small commentaries (小注) in Compendium of the Commentaries on Four Chinese Classics (四書集註大全). In terms of Chu Hsi's theory, however, Noju interprets Confucian classics while supplementing shortcomings on Chu Hsi's theory rather than opposing it. For opinions of all philosophers and scholars on small commentaries, it expresses rather critical theories than supporting ones. Third, it quotes many theories not only of Chinese Confucians but also of Korean ones. It mainly introduces theories of Namdang Han Won-jin, including those of Yi Yulgok. Among them, it particularly has frequent quotations from Han Won-jin's Kyoungyigimunrok (經義記聞錄). Fourth, Noju actively acknowledges senior Confucians' theories many times in quoting them but he also daringly points out their errors when a theory is thought not to be appropriate. He indicates errors one by one in theories not only of Uam and Yulgok but even of Mencius. Fifth, it especially discusses Book of Changes (周易) in depth. It tends to criticize Chengzi's I-Chuan (易傳) but accept Chu Hsi's Benyi (本義). It roughly explains Book of Changes in general but seldom directly accounts for trigrams of it other than Qian trigram and it has detailed explanation especially on Xicizhuan (繫辭傳).

• Fire Science and Engineering
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.8-21
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• 2011

This study surveyed historical records on outbreak and features of forest fires during Chosun Dynasty's 518 years in being and analyzed the Annals of the Chosun Dynasty; The Diaries of the Royal Secretariat, archives from Records of the Border Defense Council, The Compilation of Ministry Proposals, Posthumous Records of King Cholchong etc. Forest fires were most prevalent and extreme during King Hyunjong (14 cases) and King Sunjo (13 cases) due to strong wind, and the biggest-ever forest fire broke out in the fourth year of King Soonjo (1804) in the east coast of Korea in Kangwon province. The fire had resulted in 61 fatalities and 2,600 destroyed houses. Forest fire in the east coast of Korea, Kangwon province, in the $13^{th}$ year of King Hyeonjong (1672) is recorded to have caused the highest number of deaths, 65people. The most frequent cause of forest fires during Chosun Dynasty was unidentified (42 cases), followed by accidental fire (10 cases), arson or lightning (3 cases), fire during hunting (2 cases), play with fire by children, destruction of patty fields and dry fields by fire and house fire (1 case respectively). By region, 56 % of forest fires erupted in the east coast (39 cases) and this was followed by the west sea (9 cases), Seoul and central region (8 cases) and the southern part of Korea (7 cases). By season, spring was found to be most vulnerable to forest fire as it accounted for 73 % of the total amounting to 46 cases. Behind were summer (11 cases), winter (6 cases) and autumn (0 case). Specifically, most forest fire broke out on April and May, which is the same as today. Archives and literature indicate that the person who involved in forest fire by accidental as well as arson had to be punished by banishment, expulsion from government office and public hanging. Also, officials in charge of the region that suffered forest fire were subject to reprimand. In conclusion, risk and gravity of forest fires were evident during the Chosun Dynasty as specified in historical archives and share many similarities with today's forest fires in terms of the duration and regional patterns.