• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.63-92
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• 2019

What motivates split-ticket voting in mixed electoral systems, where voters choose one party in district races and another party on the party list ballot? While much of the literature assumes strategic intent, three aspects commonly are overlooked: the competitiveness of district races, the presence of a district candidate from one's preferred party, and whether voters know the electoral threshold for party list seats. Furthermore, few studies disaggregate types of split-ticket voting (e.g. not voting for one's preferred party in a district vs. party list). Taiwan provides an intriguing case study for analysis, not only as a relatively new adopter of a mixed system, but also the presence of additional conditions that would encourage at least the consideration of a split ticket. Using survey data from the Taiwan's Election and Democratization Studies (TEDS) after the Taiwan's 2016 Legislative Yuan election, this analysis finds that knowing the threshold, the winner's margin, and the placement of a district candidate from one's preferred party all influence split-ticket voting among those with a partisan preference. However, closer inspection identifies a distinction between defecting from the district versus the party list. Evidence shows that district competitiveness and candidate placement influences defection from the district candidate, while the electoral threshold influences defection from the party list. The results add to our understanding of strategic and non-strategic incentives in mixed systems.

• Journal of Service Research and Studies
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.204-226
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• 2023

One of the most important types of Customer Empowerment Strategy (CES) is select empowerment, where firms allow customers to vote on a product to be marketed. However, there is limited research on the advantages and disadvantages of select empowerment. In particular, there are few studies on the composition of a voting system. This study analyzes customer participation behavior, such as willingness to vote and strategic voting (i.e., voting for candidates not based on utility orders), under the different voting systems: 1) the number of votes per customer (single or multiple), and 2) the number of final choices (single or multiple). Uncertainty is proposed as a mediator that links the voting system difference and customer participation. Two research hypotheses are tested using multiple linear regression analysis and a natural effects model based on data from two online experiments. As a result, the multiple voting system (i.e., multiple winners are selected by customer votes) shows a direct positive effect on willingness to vote and strategic voting behavior. In addition, the result shows that uncertainty insignificantly mediates the relationship between the voting system and customer participation. Academic and managerial contributions are discussed with several future research directions.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.71-109
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to find out what factors influence lawmakers' voting decisions in the plenary session. In particular, the study examines causes and characteristics of waffling and strategic waffling, which express opposition or abstention in a discharge petition or a vote at the plenary session despite participating in a bill sponsorship. The study on waffling is meaningful because it has not been covered in previous literatures. To this end, the Gadeokdo New Airport Special Act, which the National Assembly passed in February 2021, was set as an analysis target. The study examined the factors that affected legislators' voting decisions and participation in bill sponsorship and who were related with waffling. Statistical results showed that the age variable influenced the motion of the bill while seniority and party affiliation had an effect on the participation of the bill. Likewise, the study found that party affiliation and district had an influence on the approval of the bill. In addition, the analysis of waffling showed that lawmakers with higher seniority tended not to participate in the vote. It could be interpreted that lawmakers with more legislative experience judged that they would benefit from strategic waffling. There is a limit to understanding lawmakers' decision-making and waffling through a limited analysis of the Gadeokdo New Airport bill. However, given that lawmakers tend to choose avoidance strategies in ambiguous situations, and given the high intelligence of lawmakers who know better than anyone about the future impact of a new bill, the decision-making shown by lawmakers in each stage of the situation is a prudent judgment gained from their experience. It indicates that it is necessary to research the legislative activities of lawmakers in various ways.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.223-258
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• 2022

The 2018 local elections completely upended the composition of Busan's city council, with the council membership changing from being solidly and consistently conservative to being over 80% liberal. What explains this anomalous outcome? While existing literature suggests the outcome of the 2018 city council elections was the consequence of a combination of structural and strategic factors, such as the decline of regional voting, we argue that the individual-level evaluation of President Moon Jae-in is one of the primary factors driving this result. Although coattails effects are commonly considered in concurrent national legislative elections, the Presidentialized and nationalized politics of Korea makes it possible for Presidential elections to affect local elections as well. We assess our explanation through an analysis of repeated cross-sectional survey data collected just before the 2018 local elections. The results of the analysis show that support for the Democratic Party is very strongly predicted by individual-level evaluation of President Moon. When considered in the context of the timing of presidential and local elections, the results suggest that Presidential coattail effects are capable of destabilizing established political patterns, such as regional voting, if perhaps only in a sporadic and idiosyncratic fashion, depending on whether or not local elections are held early on in a President's term.

• ETRI Journal
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.179-188
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• 2007

We propose a multi-strategic concept-spotting approach for robust spoken language understanding of conversational Korean in a hostile recognition environment such as in-car navigation and telebanking services. Our concept-spotting method adopts a partial semantic understanding strategy within a given specific domain since the method tries to directly extract predefined meaning representation slot values from spoken language inputs. In spite of partial understanding, we can efficiently acquire the necessary information to compose interesting applications because the meaning representation slots are properly designed for specific domain-oriented understanding tasks. We also propose a multi-strategic method based on this concept-spotting approach such as a voting method. We present experiments conducted to verify the feasibility of these methods using a variety of spoken Korean data.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.21-34
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• 2013

How do mixed legislative systems shape voter behavior and public perceptions? Through an analysis of the electoral systems in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan, this paper evaluates the extent to which the public in these three countries understand their mixed systems and whether claims of voter ignorance translate into irrational voting behavior based on the institutional effects of mixed systems. Through a multi-method approach including data from outside of East Asia, this analysis seeks to determine whether these three cases exhibit patterns consistent with other mixed systems. Empirical analysis affirms levels of strategic voting consistent with comprehension of electoral rules. Furthermore, this analysis suggests a disconnect between practical knowledge and electoral expectations.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.47 no.2
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• pp.69-88
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• 2022

This paper aims to predict Busan's regional product and employment using the logistic regression models and machine learning models. The following are the main findings of the empirical analysis. First, the OLS regression model shows that the main industries such as electricity and electronics, machine and transport, and finance and insurance affect the Busan's income positively. Second, the binomial logistic regression models show that the Busan's strategic industries such as the future transport machinery, life-care, and smart marine industries contribute on the Busan's income in large order. Third, the multinomial logistic regression models show that the Korea's main industries such as the precise machinery, transport equipment, and machinery influence the Busan's economy positively. And Korea's exports and the depreciation can affect Busan's economy more positively at the higher employment level. Fourth, the voting ensemble model show the higher predictive power than artificial neural network model and support vector machine models. Furthermore, the gradient boosting model and the random forest show the higher predictive power than the voting model in large order.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.35-71
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to verify the effect of electoral competition on voters deciding on strategic split-ticket voting under the mixed-member electoral system. As result, the more competitive the constituencies are, the more voters choose to vote for the major parties. The results of logistic regression analysis including interaction terms showed that the more competitive the constituencies are, the more voters choose for candidates from the major parties. Also, the finding shows that major party supporters are less affected by electoral competition than minor party supporters in choosing a candidate in the single-seat districts. In the case of minor party supporters, the more competitive the constituencies were, the more likely they were to choose the major party candidate instead of the minor party candidate. Based on these results, it can be inferred that voters are affected by the presence or behavior of other voters in local constituencies under the first-past-the-post rule. Because of the psychology of not wanting their votes to be useless, voters cast their ballots more strategically as the competition in constituencies intensifies, and as the competition in constituencies slackens, such tendencies weaken, and this trait is particularly evident among minor party supporters.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.155-188
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• 2021

This study examines dynamics in election news making. It is important to understand when and how news media produce election news in order to grasp news making and voting behavior. The news media sometimes make election news by focusing on issues and policies. Often they frame elections as a game and focus on election strategies while covering elections. This article argues that as time goes by during the election period, the number of policy news tends to decrease while the frequency of strategic news is likely to increase. Also, TV's and newspapers show distinctive patterns of election news making. In order to examine the arguments, this study categorizes election news stories into policy and strategic news stories produced during the 2020 Korean congressional elections and constructs daily time-series data of them. The results of structural break and regression analyses partially support the arguments.

• Journal of Labour Economics
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• v.41 no.4
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• pp.107-131
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• 2018

This paper presents a model for the Minimum Wage Commission's decision process and analyzes the strategic actions of the participants in the process. The Minimum Wage Commission has used two ways of setting the minimum wage. The commission has voted either on the labor's against the management' final proposals or has voted on the public interest commissioners' proposal. According to the model, the minimum wage is determined at a level that is very close to or at a level preferred by the median voter among the public interest commissioners. But the probability of adopting labor or management proposal is ex-ante the same. Empirical evidence from the minimum wage decision process is consistent with the predictions of the model. The probability of adopting the labor's proposal in the minimum wage commission voting is not statistically significantly different from 50%. The model also suggests that the preference of the median voter among public interest commissioners determines the minimum wage level. Since the government appoints public interest commissioners and thus, in fact, the median voters, the government can decide the minimum wage level. This proposition is also consistent with data. The annual growth rate of the minimum wage under the progressive governments is higher than under conservative governments.