• Tunnel and Underground Space
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• v.17 no.3 s.68
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• pp.165-174
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• 2007

The technique, which reproduces the figures of objects from measured data of the objects using 3-D laser scanner, is called reverse engineering. Recently, research studies into applications of reverse engineering to rock engineering are increasing in number, in the discontinuity surveys for rock slopes out of man's reach, or rapid discontinuity surveys for wide range areas. For analysis of discontinuity using reverse engineering, a program for processing point clouds data from the 3-D laser scanner, for sampling from these point clouds data, and finally analyzing the discontinuity is needed. However, existing programs rarely have sufficient functions to properly analyze the discontinuities. In this study, a program was developed, which can automatically sample discontinuities from the point clouds data which measured in a rock slope using a 3-D laser scanner, and which can also undertake statistical analysis of the discontinuities. This developed program was verified by the application of discontinuity surveys in a rock slope and a tunnel. By undertaking the discontinuity survey using a 3-D laser scanner and the developed program, the feasibility and rapidity of such surveys is expected to improve in areas out of man's reach in geotechnical surveys. Taking into consideration the fact that the international level of related techniques is at a rudimentary stage, the possibility of prior occupation of a broad market is also expected.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.563-598
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• 2009

Gangneung Danoje is a local festival that has its origin in the county festival handed down premodern society. It was designated as an important intangible cultural asset in 1966, and has appreciated as a representative traditional festival of Korea since UNESCO designated it as 'the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity' in 2005. Generally, it is known as a festival which it keeps up the premodern tradition. However, we can know that it is different from the festival performed in the 19 century in its framework and contents if we pay attention to the texts of festival performed in Gangneung today. I think that this change is a result of cultural adaptation by the change of transmission situation, and especially today texts of festival is an result of the pursuit, restoration and reproduction of its traditional form so as to be designated as a cultural asset. In this paper, after I have an accurate grasp of the traditional form of Gangneung Danoje from the present data related to Gangneung Danoje, I will compare its traditional text with the existing text which was reconstructed at the time of being designated as an important intangible cultural asset. To do this work, I verified the composition method of a county festival by investigating a general aspect of county festival in the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ dynasty, brought out the aspect of its change by comparing its existing text with the procedures and contents of Gangneung Danoje before the Japanese occupation by force, and discussed the matter of its some changes. As a result of my work, I ascertained that the present Gangneung Danoje is very different from the festival transmitted in premodern society in the structure, time and space of festival, and the contents of performance containing the procedures of meeting god, seeing god off, and enjoying god.

• The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.1-52
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• 1991

This study deals with the evolutional history of the holding and utilization of fisheries resources in Korea. Fisheries resources have the basic characteristics of the density dependent self-regulating renewable and common property resources, Irrational utilization of fisheries resources is mainly due to the unlimited access to the resources. The holding and utilization of fisheries resources in Koryo era was opened to everyone. But it was nationalized in the early Yi Dynasty. The purpose of its nationalization was to provent the paticular powered-man with their monoplized holding and to levy fisheries tax. Eoeop-peop, the first modern fisheries law in Korea, was enacted as a part of the invasion policy of Japan in 1908. With the japanese annexation of Korea in 1910, the Japanese Government established a new institutional system of fisheries as a part of an overall reformation of the institutional for an implementation of the colonial policy. It was very the new enacted Fisheries Law (Gyogyorei). Also the Government enacted compulsorily another new Fisheries Law (Chosen Gyogyorei) with its adjunct laws and regulations revise the institutional system of fisheries on May 1, 1930. After Eoeop-peop enactment, the fisheries resources in Korea could be used only under the license, permission, and statement. After Korea was from Japan in 1945, Korea Government at last enacted the new fisheries law (Susaneop-peop) in 1953. The goal of Susaneop-peop was to achive the general usage and protection of the fisheries resources, and to attain the development and democratization of the fishery in Korea. This law was amended 13 times until 1990. The license fishery have a legal right on the fishery, called a fishery rigt. This right means a right of exclusive occupation and utilization of a unit of the inshore fishing grounds. The main evolutional issues of license fishery are as the following : 1) the foundation of the exclusive usable fishery right(1911, Gyogyorei), 2) the deletion of the settled U9space lift net and settled space sein net fishery, and the expansion of the cooperative fishery-No.1, 2, and 3 type cooperative fishery-(3rd amendment, 1963), 3) the deletion of the No.2 and 3 type cooperative fishery, and the separation of the culturing fishery in No.1 and 2 type culturing fishery (13th amendment, 1990). The effective period of the license fishery was amended as the following : 1) 1908(Eoeop-peop) : within 10 years, renovation system, 2) 1929(Chosen Gyogyorei) : within 10 years, unlimited extension system, 3) 1971. 7th amendment : 10 years, renovation system, 4) 1972. 8th amendment : 10 years, only 1 extension system, 5) 1975. 9th amendment : 5-10 years, only 1 extension system, 6) 1990.13th amendment : 10 years, within 10 years of total extensional years. The priority order of the fishery license was established in 1953 (Susaneop-peop). The amendment of it is as follows : 1) 1953. enactment \circled1 the fishing grounds that the fishery right is extablished 1st order : the existing fishery right man, unlimited renovation 2nd order : the corporate that the regional fisherfolk organized 3rd order : the rest experienced fishermen \circled2 new fishing grounds 1st order : the corporate that the regional fisherfolk organized 2nd order : the rest experienced fishermen 2) 1971. 9th amendment \circled1 the fishing grounds that the fishery right is established 1st order : the existing fishery right man, unlimited renovation 2nd order : the Eochongye that the regional fisherfolk organized 3rd order : the regional fishery cooperative that the regional fisherfolk organized 4th order : the rest experienced fishermen \circled2 new fishing grounds 1st order : the Eochongye that the regional fisherfolk organized 2nd order : the regional fishery cooperative that the regional fisherfolk organized 3rd order : the rest experienced fishermen 3) 1981. 10th amendment \circled1 the inside of No.1 type cooperative fishing grounds 1st order : the Eochongye that the regional fisherfolk organized 2nd order : the regional fishery cooperative that the regional fisherfolk organized 3rd orer : the rest experienced fishermen 4) 1990. 13th amendment \circled1 No.1 type cultural fishery 1st order : the Eochongye that the regional fisherfolk organized 2nd order : the regional fishery cooperative that the regional fisherfolk organized 3rd order : the rest experienced fishermen \circled2 No.2 type cultural and settle fisher : general priority order The effective period of the permission fishery was amended 6 timed. First, it was within 5 years and renovation system (Eoeop-peop). Now it is 5 years and renovation system. The effective period of the statement fishery was amended 4 times. First, it was within 5 years, and then was amended within 3 years(Chonsen Gyogyorei). Now it is 5 years.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.2
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• pp.94-108
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to provide data for the restoration of 'Yongyun(龍淵)' and 'Hwahongmun(華虹門)' through an investigation of the vicinity of their original landscapes at the time of construction of Hwaseong in Suwon and through tracing the transformative process of the environments of this vicinity. The results are as follows; As identified by 'Yongyunjung(龍淵亭)' and 'Yongdugak(龍頭閣)', other names of Yongyun, 'Banghwasuryujung(訪花隨柳亭)', which was built on 'Yongduam', is a facility whose place identity is highlighted with a sense of unity with Yongyun. The south lakefront of Yongyun, bordering Banghwasuryujung, has boundaries that make the best use of the natural geographical features of Yongduam while the current circumference of Yongyun is comparatively shorter than its original state. The size of 'Joongdo(中島)', however, seems to be an example of apparent over-design complement and reorganize 'Joongdo', which had been restored larger than its original state at the time of restoration in the 1970s. The depth of 'Yongyun' was created to be lower than the actual depth, without consideration for its initial depth, as soil was accumulated through continuous flooding after it was created. It is assumed that the original drains which were installed about 10m inside the lake were created facing the stream. As regards the planting environment, a circular planting of willows was made in the outskirts of 'Yongyun', except the 'Yongduam' which is a pure forest, and a mix of 'Pinus densiflora', shrubbery and deciduous broad leaf trees was planted in 'Joongdo'. Of the plants growing in the area of this study, plant species introduced to Korea after Hwaseong was constructed are found, most of which provide interest and attraction. The old pine trees growing in a group once grew in the castle areas of the vicinity even in the 1920s, the period of Japanese occupation, but they disappeared from the area in the aftermath of subsequent urban development and the Korean War. Although restored to the site, the number and space taken up by these trees are insignificant compared to those of the original environment. On the basis of these results, the following is considered necessary for the true restoration of the vicinity of 'Yongyun' and 'Hwahongmun': First, the grounds of 'Yongyun' should be dredged deeply enough to expose the bedrock and should be recreated in the rough outline of a half moon by extension to the southwest toward 'Yongduam' and 'Hwahongmun', and the size of 'Joongdo' should be significantly reduced. Secondly, considering that most plant species, except the pine trees and wild trees in 'Yongduam', are non-native plants introduced in order to provide such attractions such as the appreciation of scenic areas, they should be replaced with native species, mainly with the pine trees which were utilized during the construction of Hwaseong. The weeping willows planted in the 'middle-island' should be relocated to the outskirts of 'Yongyun', and replaced with pine trees as the major trees and maple trees or deciduous broadleaf trees to fill in the gaps. Thirdly, exotic species such as the 'Pinus rigida' planted in a group around 'Banghwasuryujung' and 'Bugammun' and 'Pinus strobus' planted in the vicinity of Hwahongmun' should be removed.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.39
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• pp.281-318
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• 2014

This article aims to inquire into the decision making system and the sources of the original documents made by means of it in Imperial Japan, the colonial Chosun, GHQ, and the occupied Japan in terms of the post-war treatments of compensation on the Japanese colonial rules. It deals with them from 1910 to 1952 in the perspective of history and archivistics. This article attempts to establish the foundation on which the perception of the documents made in the Imperial Japan, its colony, and the occupied territory would be widened by placing the colonial rules and the compensation on them into a continuous line. The records of Japan's forced occupation of Korea during 1910-1945, and the original records documenting the decision making process of post-war compensation under GHQ, 1945-1952, have been dispersed in Korea, Japan and the United States. This dispersed preservation was mainly due to the complicated decision-making process among Governor-General of Chosun, the Japanese Imperial government, and the GHQ. It was the top-down styled, dual decision making system, in which the critical policies, personnel, and budget had been decided in Imperial homeland, while their implementations were made in the colonies. As a result, the records documenting the whole process of domination have been preserved dispersedly in Japan and its colonies. In particular, the accounts of not yet paid Korean workers that was forced to mobilize in Japan's colonial periods, which is emerging as the diplomatic conflict between Korea and Japan, had been dealt in the decrees of the Japanese government and policy-making of GHQ. It has already been changed to the problem as 'economic cooperation' from the 'debt'. Also, the critical records for post-war compensation were preserved dispersedly in the United States and Japan under the top-down decision making process of GHQ-Japan. Therefore, the dispersed records of 1910-1952 about the colonial rules by the Imperial Japan and the post-war compensation on them must be re-investigated for the adequate documentation in the context of time and space.

• Journal of Radiation Protection and Research
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.1-10
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• 2002

High energy photon beams from medical linear accelerators produce large scattered radiation by various components of the treatment head, collimator and walls or objects in the treatment room including the patient. These scattered radiation do not provide therapeutic dose and are considered a hazard from the radiation safety perspective. Scattered dose of therapeutic high energy radiation beams are contributed significant unwanted dose to the patient. ICRP take the position that a dose of 500mGy may cause abortion at any stage of pregnancy and that radiation detriment to the fetus includes risk of mental retardation with a possible threshold in the dose response relationship around 100 mGy for the gestational period. The ICRP principle of as low as reasonably achievable (ALARA) was recommended for protection of occupation upon the linear no-threshold dose response hypothesis for cancer induction. We suggest this ALARA principle be applied to the fetus and testicle in therapeutic treatment. Radiation dose outside a photon treatment filed is mostly due to scattered photons. This scattered dose is a function of the distance from the beam edge, treatment geometry, primary photon energy, and depth in the patient. The need for effective shielding of the fetus and testicle is reinforced when young patients ate treated with external beam radiation therapy and then shielding designed to reduce the scattered photon dose to normal organs have to considered. Irradiation was performed in phantom using high energy photon beams produced by a Varian 2100C/D medical linear accelerator (Varian Oncology Systems, Palo Alto, CA) located at the Yonsei Cancer Center. The composite phantom used was comprised of a commercially available anthropomorphic Rando phantom (Phantom Laboratory Inc., Salem, YN) and a rectangular solid polystyrene phantom of dimensions $30cm{\times}30cm{\times}20cm$. the anthropomorphic Rando phantom represents an average man made from tissue equivalent materials that is transected into transverse 36 slices of 2.5cm thickness. Photon dose was measured using a Capintec PR-06C ionization chamber with Capintec 192 electrometer (Capintec Inc., Ramsey, NJ), TLD( VICTOREEN 5000. LiF) and film dosimetry V-Omat, Kodak). In case of fetus, the dosimeter was placed at a depth of loom in this phantom at 100cm source to axis distance and located centrally 15cm from the inferior edge of the $30cm{\times}30cm^2$ x-ray beam irradiating the Rando phantom chest wall. A acryl bridge of size $40cm{\times}40cm^2$ and a clear space of about 20 cm was fabricated and placed on top of the rectangular polystyrene phantom representing the abdomen of the patient. The leaf pot for testicle shielding was made as various shape, sizes, thickness and supporting stand. The scattered photon with and without shielding were measured at the representative position of the fetus and testicle. Measurement of radiation scattered dose outside fields and critical organs, like fetus position and testicle region, from chest or pelvic irradiation by large fie]d of high energy radiation beam was performed using an ionization chamber and film dosimetry. The scattered doses outside field were measured 5 - 10% of maximum doses in fields and exponentially decrease from field margins. The scattered photon dose received the fetus and testicle from thorax field irradiation was measured about 1 mGy/Gy of photon treatment dose. Shielding construction to reduce this scattered dose was investigated using lead sheet and blocks. Lead pot shield for testicle reduced the scatter dose under 10 mGy when photon beam of 60 Gy was irradiated in abdomen region. The scattered photon dose is reduced when the lead shield was used while the no significant reduction of scattered photon dose was observed and 2-3 mm lead sheets refuted the skin dose under 80% and almost electron contamination. The results indicate that it was possible to improve shielding to reduce scattered photon for fetus and testicle when a young patients were treated with a high energy photon beam.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.349-383
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• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.