• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.37-76
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• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.3
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• pp.49-82
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• 1965

For the stable and high yields of low-land rice in Korea, the characteristics of rice plant for the vegetative and physiological responses, plant type formation, and yield components have been studied in order to obtain the fundamental data for the improvement of cultural practices, especially for the ideal fertilizer application. Furthermore the environmental conditions in Korea including temperatures, light, precipitation, and soil conditions have been compared in the broad sense with those in Japan, and the application of nitrogen, phosphorus, potassium, silicate and other micro-nutrients were described in relation to the characteristics of environmental conditions for the improvement of fertilizer application. 1. The average yield of polished-rice per 10 are in Korea is about 204 kg and this values are much less than those in Japan and Taiwan where they produce 77% to 13% more than in Korea. The rate of yield increase a year in Korea is 4.2 kg, but in Japan and Taiwan the rates of yield increase a year are 81 % and 62%, respectively. It was also found that the coefficient of variation of yield is 7.7% in Korea, 6.7% in Japan and 2.5% in Taiwan. This means that the stability of producing rice in Korea is very low when compared with those in Japan and Taiwan. 2. It was learned from the results obtained from the 'annual yield estimation experiment' that there are big differences in the respect of plant type formations between rice crops grown in Japan and Korea. The important differences found were as follows: (1) The numbers of spikelets per 3.3 square meters are 891 in Korea and 1, 007 in Japan(13% more than in Korea). (2) The numbers of tillers per 3.3 square meters at the stage of maximum tillering are 1, 150 in Korea, but in Japan they showed 19% more than in Korea. (3) The ratio of effective tillers to total tillers is 77.5% in Korea and 74.7% in Japan, which seems to be higher in Korea than in Japan. But the ratio in Korea is very low when considered the numbers of total tillers in both countries. (4) The ratio of grain to straw is 85.4% in Korea and 96.3% in Japan. 3. The average temperatures during the growing season at the area of Suwon, Kwangjoo and Taegu are almost same as those in the district of Jookokoo(Fookoo yama) in Japan, i.e., the temperatures during the rice-growing season in Korea are similar to those in the southern-warm regions of Japan. 4. Considering the minimum temperatures at the stage of limiting transplanting, 13$^{\circ}C$, the time of transplanting might be 30 to 40 days earlier than presently practicing transplanting time, which comes around June 10. 5. The temperatures during the vegetative growth in Korea were higher than those temperatures that needed in the protein synthesis which ate the main metabolism during this stage. However, the temperatures at the time of reproductive growth was lower than the temperatures that needed in the sugar assimilation which is main metabolism in this stage. In this point of view, it might be considered that the proper time of growing rice plant in Korea would be rather earlier. 6. The temperatures and the day light conditions at the time of first tillering stage of rice plant, when planted as presenting transplanting practices, are very satisfactory, but the poor day light length, high temperatures and too wet conditions in the time of last-tillering stage(mid or last July) might cause the occurrence of disease such as blast. 7. The heading stage of rice plants at each region through nations when planted as presently practicing method comes when the day light length is short. 8. It was shown that the accumulated average air-temperature at the time of maturing stage was not enough and the heading time was too late, when considered the annual deviations of mean temperatures and low minimum temperatures. 9. The nitrogen content of each plant part at the each growing stage was very high at the stage of vegetative growth when compared with the nitrogen content at the stage of reproductive growth after heading. In this respect it was believed to be important to prevent the nutrient shortages at the reproductive stages, especially after the heading. 10. The area of unsatisfactory irrigation paddy fields and natural rain-fed paddy fields are getting reduced in Korea. The correlation between the rate of reducing unsatisfactory irrigation and natural rain-fed paddy fields and the rate of yield increase were computed. The correlation coefficients(r) between the area of unsatisfactory irrigation paddy fields and yield increase were +0.525, and between the natural rain-fed paddy fields and yield increase, +0.832 and between the unsatisfactory irrigation plus natural rain-fed paddy fields and yield increase, +0.84. And there were. highly significant positive correlations between natural rain-fed paddy fields and yield increases indicating that the less the area of natural rain-fed paddy fields, the greater the yields per unit area. 11. The results obtained from the fertilizer experiments (yield performance trials) conducted in both Korea and Japan showed that the yield of non-fertilized plots per 10 are was 231 kg in Korea and 360 kg in Japan. On the basis of this it might be concluded that the fertility of soil in Korea is lower than that in Japan. Furthermore it was. also found that the yields of non-nitrogen applied plots per 10 are were 236 kg in Korea and 383 kg in Japan. This also indicates that the yields of rice in Korea are largely depending on the nitrogen content in the soil. 12. The followings were obtained when the chemical natures of soils in both Korea and Japan were compared. (1) The content of organic matter, total nitrogen, exchangeable calcium, and magnesium in Korea were no more than the half those in Japan. (2) The content of N/2 chloride and soluble silicate in low-land soil were on the average lower in Korea. (3) The exchange capacity of bases in Korea was no more than half that in Japan. 13. It was also observed by comparing the soil nature of the soil with high yielding capacity with the soil with low yielding capacity that the exchange capacity of bases, exchangeable calcium and magnesium, potassium, phosphorus, manganese, silicate and iron were low in the soil with low yielding capacity. 14. The depth of furrow slice was always deeper in the soil with high yielding capacity, and the depth of furrow slice in Korea was also shallower than that in Japan. 15. Summarizing the various conditions mentioned previously and considering the effects of silicate and trace elements such as manganese and iron besides three elements on the physiological and plant type formation of rice crops, more realistic and more ideal fertilizing practices were proposed. proposed.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.40-52
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• 2016

Buyongjeong, a pavilion in the Rear Garden of Changdeok Palace, was appointed as Treasure No. 1763 on March 2, 2012, by the South Korea government since it shows significant symmetry and proportion on its unique planar shape, spatial configuration, building decoration, and so forth. However, the designation of Treasure selection was mainly evaluated by concrete science, in that the selection has not clearly articulated how and why Buoungjeong was constructed as a present unique form. Therefore, this study aims to clarify the identity of Buyongjeong at the time of construction by considering its historical, ideological, philosophical background and building intention. Summary are as follows: First, Construction backgrounds and characters of Buyongjeong: Right after the enthronement, King Jeongjo had founded Kyujanggak(奎章閣), and sponsored civil ministers who were elected by the national examination, as a part of political reform. In addition, he established his own political system by respecting "Kaksin(閣臣)", Kyujanggak's officials as much as "Kain(家人)", internal family members. King Jeongjo's aggressive political reform finally enabled King's lieges to visit King's Rear Garden. In the reign of King Jeongjo's 16th year(1792), Naekaksangjohoe(內閣賞釣會) based on "Kaksin" was officially launched and the Rear Garden visitation became a regular meeting. The Rear Garden visitation consisted of "Sanghwajoeoyeon(賞花釣魚宴)" - enjoying flowers and fishing, and activities of "Nanjeongsugye". Afterward, it eventually became a huge national event since high rank government officials participated the event. King Jeongjo shared the cultural activities with government officials together to Buyongjeong as a place to fulfill his royal politics. Second, The geographical location and spatial characteristics of Buyongjeong: On the enthronement of King Jeongjo(1776), he renovated Taeksujae. Above all, aligning and linking Gaeyuwa - Taeksujae - a cicular island - Eosumun - Kyujangkak along with the construction axis is an evidence for King Jeongjo to determine how the current Kyujangkak zone was prepared and designed to fulfill King Jeonjo's political ideals. In 17th year(1793) of the reign of King Jeongjo, Taeksujae, originally a square shaped pavilion, was modified and expanded with ranks to provide a place to get along with the King and officials. The northern part of Buyongjeong, placed on pond, was designed for the King's place and constructed one rank higher than others. Discernment on windows and doors were made with "Ajasal" - a special pattern for the King. The western and eastern parts were for government officials. The center part was prepared for a place where government officials were granted an audience with the King, who was located in the nortern part of Buyongjeong. Government officials from the western and eastern parts of Buyongjeong, could enter the central part of the Buyongjeong from the southern part by detouring the corner of Buyongjeong. After all, Buyongjeong is a specially designed garden building, which was constructed to be a royal palace utilizing its minimal space. Third, Cultural Values of Buyongjeong: The Buyongjeong area exhibits a trait that it had been continuously developed and it had reflected complex King's private garden cultures from King Sejo, Injo, Hyunjong, Sukjong, Jeongjo and so forth. In particular, King Jeongjo had succeded physical, social and imaginary environments established by former kings and invited their government officials for his royal politics. As a central place for his royal politics, King Jeongjo completed Buyongjeong. Therefore, the value of Buyongjeong, as a garden building reflecting permanency of the Joseon Dynasty, can be highly evaluated. In addition, as it reflects Confucianism in the pavilion - represented by distinguishing hierarchical ranks, it is a unique example to exhibit its distinctiveness in a royal garden.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.80 no.1
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• pp.54-71
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• 1991

To classify and analyze the forest communities and their structures, the vegetation in Mt. Joghe was investigated from July, 1980 to August, 1989. The results obtained are as follow ; 1. A total of 750 kinds of vascular plant(49 orders, 122 families, 434 genera, 627 species, 1 subspecies, 111 varieties and 11 forma)were observed in Mt. Ioghe. The newly observed plant species were Dioscorea quingueloba, Spiranthes sinensis, Cephalanthera falcata, Angelica gigas, Clematis patents, Paeonia obovata, Hibiscus mulabilis, Ainsliaea acerifolia, Dictamnus dasycarpus, Cynachum ascyrifolia, Vaccinium koreanum, Erythrortium japonicum, Indigofera kirilowii (17species), Broussonetia kazinoki var, humillis, Euonymus, fortunei var. radicans, Juniperus communis var, nippnnica, Callicarpa japonica var. radicans, Joniperus communis var. rzipponica, Callicarpa japonica var. taquetii (4 varieties) and L indera obtusiloba for. billosum (1 forma). 2. The life spectrum of flora in Mt. Joghe was classified into $CH-D_1-R_5-e$ type. Distribution area was identical to Southern type by Nakai, Lee, and Yim. A few subtropical species were also observed. 3. Simpson's species diversity index(Ds) was 0.9 and Shannon-Weiner's diversity index (H') was 1.004. These indice suggest that the vegetation in Mt. Joghe is of complicated forest communities. 4. Pte-Q was 1.81 which was higher than the nationwide mean of 1.68. Urbanization Index (UI) was 28.75 for naturalized plant species, and 17.49 for exotic woody plant species, which were similar to those of Mt. Baekun and Mt. Naejang. 5. The forest vegetation of Mt. Joghe was grouped in 3 vegetation types : 7 natural plant Communities dominated by Quercus serrat, Quercus acutissima, Quercus variabilis, Carpinus laxiflora, Pinus derasiflora and Platycarya strobilacea, 8 substitutional plant communities Styrax japonica, Stewartia koreana, Lindera erytlrrocarpa, Zelkova serrata, Rhtrs chinensis, Controversa, and Frzrxirtus manrlshurica, and 7 plantation Communities composed of Pinus koraiensis, Pinus rigida, Magnolia nbnvata, Chamecyparis obkrsa, Larie ieptolepis, Castanea crenata and Cryptomeria japonica. 6. Actual vegetation maps and profile diagrams were made by phytosocialogical classification. 7. As the important and unique species in Mt. Joghe, Lindera sericea, Penicaria tilitorme, Hex macropoda, Hex macropoda for. pseudo-macropoda, Steroartia koreana, Adenopkora palustris and Corylop.,is coreana, which were also seported by Lee(1977), Kim and Yark(1989), were identified and Vaccinium coreanum, Cremastra appendiculinium, Juniperus comminis van. nipponica, Cephalanthera falcata, Broussortetia kazinoki var. humilis, paeonia obovata, Deutzia prunifolia, Dictamnus dasyarpus, Angelica gigics and Bupleurum falcatum were odditionally observed.

• The Sea:JOURNAL OF THE KOREAN SOCIETY OF OCEANOGRAPHY
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.267-281
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• 2019

Energetic mesoscale eddies in the East Sea (ES) associated with strong mesoscale variability impacting circulation and environments were statistically characterized by analyzing satellite altimeter data collected during 1993-2017 and in-situ data obtained from four cruises conducted between 2015 and 2017. A total of 1,008 mesoscale eddies were detected, tracked, and identified and then classified into 27 groups characterized by mean lifetime (L, day), amplitude (H, m), radius (R, km), intensity per unit area (EI, $cm^2/s^2/km^2$), ellipticity (e), eddy kinetic energy (EKE, TJ), available potential energy (APE, TJ), and direction of movement. The center, boundary, and amplitude of mesoscale eddies identified from satellite altimeter data were compared to those from the in-situ observational data for the four cases, yielding uncertainties in the center position of 2-10 km, boundary position of 10-20 km, and amplitude of 0.6-5.9 cm. The mean L, H, R, EI, e, EKE, and APE of the ES mesoscale eddies during the total period are $95{\pm}104$ days, $3.5{\pm}1.5cm$, $39{\pm}6km$, $0.023{\pm}0.017cm^2/s^2/km^2$, $0.72{\pm}0.07$, $23{\pm}21TJ$, and $588{\pm}250TJ$, respectively. The ES mesoscale eddies tend to move following the mean surface current rather than propagating westward. The southern groups (south of the subpolar front) have a longer L, larger H, R, and higher EKE, APE; and stronger EI than those of the northern groups and tend to move a longer distance following surface currents. There are exceptions to the average characteristics, such as the quasi-stationary groups (the Wonsan Warm, Wonsan Cold, Western Japan Basin Warm, and Northern Subpolar Frontal Cold Eddy groups) and short-lived groups with a relatively larger H, higher EKE, and APE and stronger EI (the Yamato Coastal Warm, Central Yamato Warm, and Eastern Japan Basin Coastal Warm eddy groups). Small eddies in the northern ES hardly resolved using the satellite altimetry data only, were not identified here and discussed with potential over-estimations of the mean L, H, R, EI, EKE, and APE. This study suggests that the ES mesoscale eddies 1) include newly identified groups such as the Hokkaido and the Yamato Rise Warm Eddies in addition to relatively well-known groups (e.g., the Ulleung Warm and the Dok Cold Eddies); 2) have a shorter L; smaller H, R, and lower EKE; and stronger EI and higher APE than those of the global ocean, and move following surface currents rather than propagating westward; and 3) show large spatial inhomogeneity among groups.

• Korean Journal of Mineralogy and Petrology
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.185-197
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• 2023

The Gubong Au-Ag deposit consists of eight lens-shaped quartz veins. These veins have filled fractures along fault zones within Precambrian metasedimentary rock. This has been one of the largest deposits in Korea, and is geologically a mix of orogenic-type and intrusion-related types. Korea Mining Promotion Corporation drilled into a quartz vein (referred to as the No. 6 vein) with a width of 0.9 m and a grade of 27.9 g/t Au at a depth of -728 ML by drilling (No. 90-12) in the southern site of the deposit, To further investigate the potential redevelopment of the No. 6 vein, another drilling (No. 04-1) was carried out in 2004. In 2004, samples (wallrock, wallrock alteration and quartz vein) were collected from the No. 04-1 drilling core site to study the occurrence and chemical composition of Ti-bearing minerals (ilmenite, rutile). Rutile from mineralized zone at a depth of -275 ML occur minerals including K-feldspar, biotite, quartz, calcite, chlorite, pyrite in wallrock alteration zone. Ilmenite and rutile from ore vein (No. 6 vein) at a depth of -779 ML occur minerals including white mica, chlorite, apatite, zircon, quartz, calcite, pyrrhotite, pyrite in wallrock alteration zone and quartz vein. Based on mineral assemblage, rutile was formed by hydrothermal alteration (chloritization) of Ti-rich biotite in the wallrock. Chemical composition of ilmenite has maximum values of 0.09 wt.% (HfO₂), 0.39 wt.% (V₂O₃) and 0.54 wt.% (BaO). Comparing the chemical composition of rutile at a depth -275 ML and -779 ML, Rutile at a depth of -779 ML is higher contents (WO₃, FeO and BaO) than rutile at a depth of -275 ML. The substitutions of rutile at a depth of -275 ML and -779 ML are as followed : rutile at a depth of -275 ML Ba²⁺ + Al³⁺ + Hf⁴⁺ + (Nb⁵⁺, Ta⁵⁺) ↔ 3Ti⁴⁺ + Fe²⁺, 2V⁴⁺ + (W⁵⁺, Ta⁵⁺, Nb⁵⁺) ↔ 2Ti⁴⁺ + Al³⁺ + (Fe²⁺, Ba²⁺), Al³⁺ + V⁴⁺+ (Nb⁵⁺, Ta⁵⁺) ↔ 2Ti⁴⁺ + 2Fe²⁺, rutile at a depth of -779 ML 2 (Fe²⁺, Ba²⁺) + Al³⁺ + (W⁵⁺, Nb⁵⁺, Ta⁵⁺) ↔ 2Ti⁴⁺ + (V⁴⁺, Hf⁴⁺), Fe²⁺ + Al³⁺ + Hf ⁴⁺ + (W⁵⁺, Nb⁵⁺, Ta⁵⁺) ↔ 2Ti⁴⁺ + V⁴⁺ + Ba²⁺, respectively. Based on these data and chemical composition of rutiles from orogenic-type deposits, rutiles from Gubong deposit was formed in a relatively oxidizing environment than the rutile from orogenictype deposits (Unsan deposit, Kori Kollo deposit, Big Bell deposit, Meguma gold-bearing quartz vein).

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.1-38
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• 1979

The woody species of Genus Ilex which are endemic to Korea are distributed on limited area due to solely temperature factor. There is some differences according to species, however in general, the evergreen Ilex are found along southern coastal area of Korean Peninsula and near islands where the cold index does not exceed $-5^{\circ}C$. But Ilex macropoda and the variety, only deciduous ones, are grown in temperate zone of the peninsula and some islands. The list of Ilex species of Korea are as follows. Ilex cornuta Lindley et Pax., I. crenata Thunb. var. microphylla Max., I. crenata Thunb., I. rotunda Thunb., I. macropoda Miq., I. macropoda Miq. var. pseudo-macropoda Loensner, I. integra Thunb. The author surveyed the populations of Ilex species as many as possible and data of some characters such as leaf shape, spine, fruit shape, stomata density, sex ratio in natural communities, etc. are collected. Almost all the Ilex species in Korea show sporadic distribution. This means quite small sized populations isolate distantly each other eliminating the change of gene exchange in between. Particularly Ilex conuta and I. crenata show the morphological differentiation among populations as well as significant individual variation within a population. These were true with such characteristics, leaf shape, leaf dimension, leaf margin, fruit shape, spine, and stomata density. The founded are that the fruit length and the stomata density counted on the beneath surface of leaves of Ilex cornuta increased with the decrease of latitude. These are naturally closely related with the cold index values. The table shown below indicates the correlation between mean stomata density per $0.3642mm^2$ and cold index values. These relation however were not observed on Ilex crenata. The most dominated natured in relation to individual variation were outline of leaf, the number of marginal spine, the shape of leaf cross section and the degree of luster of the upper leaf surface. As shown in photos 5~7, these variations are agreed at a glance. There are reports that the development of marginal spines in some Ilex species is associated with the juvenility and topophysis. In present study, these two factors were neglected because of the intended sampling procedure. Of Ilex rotunda, population difference with the characteristics of leaf length is recognized but not for leaf width, petiole length, and fruit size. However, individual variations within a population were significantly large. In case of Ilex integra, only individual differences within population were calculated statistically for such characteristics as leaf length, leaf width, and petiole length. As to natural population, the sex ratio was 1:2 (female to male) for Ilex cornuta, and 1:1 for Ilex crenata. The tendency of more male than female in I. cornuta was agreed to other observations. Preparing the tip cutting of length 10cm, and treating with IBA, then attaching earth ball to the cut end, very successful rooting percentages were obtained. Asexual propagation has the advantages of maintaining the heterozygosity of existing varieties and overcoming the difficulties of delayed seed germination frequently encountered with Ilex species. Considering a great deal of variation in morphological traits, a good possibility of selection breeding for decorative and ornamental purposes exists. At present, these evergreen Ilex are ignored by local people as nuisance weedy shrubs. So the proper protection measures should promptly be taken.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.62 no.1
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• pp.24-42
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• 1983

To develop Ilex cornuta which grow naturally in the southwest seaside district as new ornamental tree, the author chose I. cornuta growing in the four natural communities and those cultivated in Kwangju city as a sample, and investigated its ecology, morphology and characteristics. The results obtained was summarized as follows; 1) The natural distribution of I. cornuta marks $35^{\circ}$43'N and $126^{\circ}$44'E in the southwestern part of Korea and $33^{\circ}$20'N and $126^{\circ}$15'E in Jejoo island. This area has the following necessary conditions for Ilex cornuta: the annual average temperature is above $12^{\circ}C$, the coldness index below $-12.7^{\circ}C$, annual average relative humidity 75-80%, and the number of snow-covering days is 20-25 days, situated within 20km of from coastline and within, 100m above sea level and mainly at the foot of the mountain facing the southeast. 2) The vegetation in I. cornuta community can be divided that upper layer is composed of Pinus thunbergii and P. densiflora, middle layer of Eurya japonica var. montana, Ilex cornuta and Vaccinium bracteatum, and the ground vegetation is composed of Carex lanceolata and Arundinella hirta var. ciliare. The community has high species diversity which indicates it is at the stage of development. Although I. cornuta is a species of the southern type of temperate zone where coniferous tree or broad leaved, evergreen trees grow together, it occasionally grows in the subtropical zone. 3) Parent rock is gneiss or rhyolite etc., and soil is acidic (about pH 4.5-5.0) and the content of available phosphorus is low. 4) At maturity, the height growth averaged $10.48{\pm}0.23cm$ a year and the diameter growth 0.43 cm a year, and the annual ring was not clear. Mean leaf-number was 11.34. There are a significant positive correlation between twig-elongation and leaf-number. 5) One-year-old seedling grows up to 10.66 cm (max. 18.2 cm, min. 4.0 cm) in shoot-height, with its leaf number 12.1 (max. 18, min), its basal diameter 2.24 mm (max. 4.0 mm, min. 1.0 mm) and shows rhythmical growth in high temperature period. There were significant positive correlations between stalk-height and leaf-number, between stalk-height and basal-diameter, and between number and basal diameter. 6) The flowering time ranged from the end of April to the beginning of May, and the flower has tetra-merouscorella and corymb of yellowish green. It has a bisexual flower and dioecism with a sexual ratio 1:1. 7) The fruit, after fertilization, grows 0.87 cm long (0.61-1.31 cm) and 0.8 cm wide (0.62-1.05 cm) by the beginning of May. Fruits begin to turn red and continue to ripen until the end of October or the beginning of November and remain unfading until the end of following May. With the partial change in color of dark-brown at the beginning of the June fruits begin to fall, bur some remain even after three years. 8) The seed acquision ratio is 24.7% by weight, and the number of grains per fruit averages 3.9 and the seed weight per liter is 114.2 gram, while the average weight of 1,000 seeds is 24.56 grams. 9) Seeds after complete removal of sarcocarp, were buried under ground in a fixed temperature and humidity and they began to develop root in October, a year later and germinated in the next April. Under sunlight or drought, however, the dormant state may be continued.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.123-154
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• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.

• The Korean Journal of Pesticide Science
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• v.15 no.4
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• pp.545-572
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• 2011

The genetic diagnosis methods by RT-PCR and Virion capture (VC)/RT-PCR against Rice stripe virus (RSV) were developed. Three diagnosis methods of seedling test, ELISA and RT-PCR were compared in virus detection sensitivity (VDS) for RSV. The VDS of ELISA for RSV viruliferous small brown plant hopper (SBPH) was higher with 40.5% than that of seedling test. The VDS of RT-PCR was higher with 21% than that of ELISA. The VDS of ELISA and VC/RT-PCR was same with 9.2% in average on the SBPH collected from fields at the areas of Gimpo, Pyungtaeg and Sihueng, Gyeonggi province in 2009. The specific primers of RSV for SBPH and rice plant were developed for the diagnosis by Real time PCR. The RQ value of Real time PCR for the viruliferous and non viruliferous SBPH was 1 for 50 heads of non viruliferous SBPH, 96.5 for 50 heads of viruliferous SBPH, 23.1 for 10 heads of viruliferous SBPH + 40 heads of non viruliferous SBPH, and 75.6 for 30 heads of viruliferous SBPH + 20 heads of non viruliferous SBPH. The RQ value was increased positively by the ratio of viruliferous SBPH. Full sequences of 4 genomes of RSV RNA1, RNA2, RNA3 and RNA4 were analysed for the 13 RSV isolates from rice plants collected from different areas. Genetic relationships among the RSV isolates of Korea, Japan and China were classified as China + Korea, and China + Korea + Japan by phylogenetic analysis for RSV RNA1 and RNA2. In case of RNA3 involved in pathogenicity, genetic relationship of RSV among the three countries was grouped into 3 as China, China + Korea, and Korea + Japan. According to the genetic relationships in RSV RNA4, RSV isolates were grouped into 4 as China, Korea, China + Korea + Japan, and Korea + Japan. Viruliferous insect rate (VIR) of RSV in average increased in each year from 2008 to 2010, and the rates were 4.3%, 6.1%, and 7.2%, respectively, at the 28 major rice production areas in 7 provinces including Gyeonggido. The highest VIR in each year was 11.3% of Gyeonggido in 2008, 20.1% of Jellanamdo in 2009 and 14.2% of Chungcheongbukdo in 2010. The highest VIR depending upon the investigated areas was 22.1% at Buan of Jellabukdo in 2008, 36% at Wando and Jindo of Jellanamdo in 2009, and 30.0% at Boeun of Chungcheongbukdo in 2010. Average population density (APD) of overwintered SBPH was 13.1 heads in 2008, 13.9 heads in 2009 and 5.6 heads in 2010. The highest APD was 39.1 and 60.4 heads at Buan of Jellabukdo in 2008 and 2009, respectively, and 14.0 heads at Pyungtaeg of Gyeonggido. The acreage of RSV occurred fields was 869 ha in the western and southern parts, mainly at Jindo and Wando areas, of Jellanamdo in 2008. In 2009, RSV occurred in the acreage of 21,541 ha covered whole country, especially, partial and whole plant death were occurred with infection rate of 55.2% at 3,025 plots in 53 Li, 39 Eup/Myun, 19 Si/Gun of Gyeonggido, Incheonsi, Chungcheongnamdo, Jeollabukdo and Jeollanamdo. Seasonal development of overwintered SBPH was investigated at Buan, Jeollabukdo, and Jindo, Jeollanamdo for 3 years from 2008. Most SBPH developed to the 3rd and 4th instar on the periods of May 20 to June 10, and they developed to the adult stage for the 1st generation on Mid and Late June. In 2009, all SBPH trapped by sky net trap were adult on May 31 to June 1 at Mid-western aeas of Taean, Seosan and Buan, and South-western areas of Sinan and Jindo. The population density of adult SBPH was 963 heads at Taean, 919 at Seocheon and 819 at Sinan area. The origin of these higher population of adult SBPH were verified from the population of non-overwintered SBPH but immigrant SBPH. From Mid May to Mid June in 2010, adult SBPH could not be counted as immigrant insects by sky net trap. The variation of RSV VIR was high with 2.1% to 9.5% for immigrant adult SBPH trapped by sky net trap at Hongsung of Chungcheongbukdo, Buan of Jeollabukdo and so forth in 2009. The highest VIR for the immigrant adult SBPH was 9.5% at Boryung of Chungcheongnamdo, followed by 7.9% at Hongsung of Chungcheongnamdo, 6.5% at Younggwang of Jeollanamdo, and 6.4% at Taean of Cheongcheongnamdo. The infection rate of RSV on rice plants induced by the immigrant adult SBPH cultivated near sky net trap after about 10 days from immigration on June 12 in 2009 was 84.6% at Taean, 65.4% at Buan and 92.9% at Jindo, and 81% in average through genetic diagnosis of RT-PCR. Barley known as a overwintering host plant of RSV had very low infection rate of 0.2% from 530 specimens collected at 10 areas covering whole country including Pyungtaeg of Gyeonggido. Twenty nine plant species were newly recorded as natural hosts of RSV. In winter annual plant species, 11 plants including Vulpia myuros showed RSV infection rate of 24.9%. The plant species in summer annual ecotype were 13 including Digitaria ciliaris with 44.9%, Echinochloa crusgalli var. echinata with 95.2% and Setaria faberi with 65.5% in infection rate of RSV. Five perennial plants including Miscanths sacchariflorus with infection rate of 33.3% were recorded as hosts of RSV. Rice cultivars, 8 susceptible cultivars including Donggin1 and 17 resistant ones including Samgwang, were screened in field conditions at 3 different areas of Buan, Iksan and Ginje in 2009. All the susceptible cultivars were showed typical symptom of mosaic and wilt. In 17 genetic resistant cultivar, 12 cultivars were susceptible, however, 5 cultivars were field-resistant plus genetic resistant to RSV as non symptom expression. When RSV was artificially inoculated at seedling stage to 4 cultivars known as genetic resistant and 3 cultivars known as genetic susceptible, the symptom expression in resistant cultivars was lower as 19.3% in average than that of 53.3% in susceptible ones. In comparison of symptom expression rate and viral infection rate using resistant Nampyung and susceptible Heugnam cultivars by artificial inoculation of RSV at seedling stage, the symptom expression of Heugnam was higher as 28% than 12% of Nampyung. However, virion infection of resistant Nampyung cultivar was higher as 12% reversely than 85% of susceptible Heugnam. Yield loss of rice was investigated by the artificial inoculation of RSV at the seedling stage of resistant cultivars of Nampyung and Onnuri, and susceptible cultivars of Donggin1 and Ungwang for 3 years from 2008. The average yield per plant was 7.8 g, 8.5 g and 13.8 g on rice plants inoculated at seedling stage, tillering stage and maximum tillering stage, respectively. The yield loss rate was increased by earlier infection of RSV with 51% at seedling stage, 46% at tillering stage and 13% at maximum tillering stage. In resistant rice cultivars, there was no statistically significant relation between infection time and yield loss. In natural fields on susceptible rice cultivar of Ungwang at Taean and Jindo areas in 2009, the yield loss rate was increased with same tendency to the infection hill rate having the corelation coefficient of 0.94 when the viral infection was over 23.4%.