• Strategy21
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• 통권42호
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• pp.224-257
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• 2017

As the Trump administration withdraws the Paris Climate Agreement and shows its antipathy toward free trade, the U.S.'s soft power is most likely to weaken and its behaviors could be perceived as acts to surrender the U.S. hegemonic leadership in the world stage. Hegemonic stability theory notes that the existence of a hegemonic power contributes to international stability in the sense that it provides international public goods. A lack of the U.S's leadership in international politics, however, could be recognized as its denial of a hegemonic status. Is it intentional or accidental? The U.S's denial of hegemonic roles is the byproduct of the Trump administration's "American First" policy, not the showcase of its intention to transit hegemony to others. What is noteworthy is that China targets a niche market of hegemony as the U.S. denies its roles as the international leader. Put it another way, China attempts to ride hegemony for free when the U.S. denies its hegemonic roles accidentally. Faced with a niche market of hegemony, China has begun to accelerate its national strategy to make "Chinese Dream" come true. To that end, China promised again to keep the Paris Climate Agreement and attempts to play more active its roles in Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO), Asia Infra Investment Bank(AIIB), and "One Belt, One Road". Despite all these efforts, the U.S. is most likely to withdraw its denial of hegemony any time soon. The U.S's resumption of Freedom of Navigation Operations(FONOPs) could be a precursor of the return to a hegemonic power's willingness. In this vein, it is noteworthy that the South China Sea serves as a quasi-war zone for hegemonic conflict.

• 전자통신동향분석
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• 제39권2호
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• pp.66-76
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• 2024

Artificial-intelligence (AI) semiconductors are crucial for securing national core competitiveness, including dominating the AI and data ecosystem and succeeding in the Digital New Deal. When examining the macroenvironment, the global division of labor in the semiconductor industry has weakened owing to the technological competition between the United States and China. Major countries are aiming to build the entire semiconductor ecosystem around their territories. As a result, these countries are formulating policy goals tailored to their realities and actively pursuing key policies such as research and development, securing manufacturing bases, workforce development, and financial support. These policies also focus on intercountry cooperation and bold government policy support, which is deemed essential. To secure core competitiveness in AI semiconductors, South Korea needs to examine the policy directions of major countries and actively formulate and implement policies for this semiconductor industry.

• 해양안보
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• 제5권1호
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• pp.113-136
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• 2022

본 논문은 중국의 서해 내해화 전략을 분석하여 해양에 종사하거나, 해양 정책을 연구하는 이들에게 시사점을 제공하기 위해 작성하였다. 이를 위해 최근 서해에서 이루어지고 있는 중국의 해상활동을 아더 라이케가 제시한 전략 구성요소인 목표(Ends), 방법(Ways) 및 수단(Means)의 세 가지 기준으로 분석하였다. 연구 결과, 중국은 서해 내해화라는 목표를 달성하기 위해 국가 차원에서 제 요소를 복합적으로 활용한다는 결과를 도출할 수 있었다. 중국은 ① 정전 상태에 있는 한반도의 특수한 안보 환경을 이용하여 북방한계선(NLL, Northern Limit Line) 인근에서 자국 어선들의 불법조업을 의도적으로 방조하여 서해를 영해로 기정사실화하며, ② 자국의 국가안보에 대한 위협을 이유로 서해상 한･미 연합훈련을 거부하는 한편, 동 해역 내 군사훈련을 확대하고 군용기를 한국방공식별구역 인근으로 상시 진입하게 하여 군사적 능력을 과시하고, ③ 과학탐구를 빙자하여 서해에 각종 시설을 확대 설치하고 있다. 필자가 본 연구를 통해 강조하고 싶은 것은 '서해에서 자행되는 일부 중국의 활동은 한국의 주권을 심각하게 침해하는 행위이며, 한국은 서해에서 국민의 자유로운 해양 활동과 안전을 보장하기 위해 한미 연합전력 중심의 비례적 대응을 해야 한다는 것'이다.

• KSII Transactions on Internet and Information Systems (TIIS)
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• 제16권12호
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• pp.4062-4080
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• 2022

COVID-19, a highly infectious disease, has affected the globe tremendously since its outbreak during late 2019 in Wuhan, China. In order to respond to the pandemic, governments around the world introduced a variety of public health measures including contact-tracing, a method to identify individuals who may have come into contact with a confirmed COVID-19 patient, which usually leads to quarantine of certain individuals. Like many other governments, the South Korean health authorities adopted public health measures using latest data technologies. Key data technology-based quarantine measures include:(1) Electronic Entry Log; (2) Self-check App; and (3) COVID-19 Wristband, and heavily relied on individual's personal information for contact-tracing and self-isolation. In fact, during the early stages of the pandemic, South Korea's strategy proved to be highly effective in containing the spread of coronavirus while other countries suffered significantly from the surge of COVID-19 patients. However, while the South Korean COVID-19 policy was hailed as a success, it must be noted that the government achieved this by collecting and processing a wide range of personal information. In collecting and processing personal information, the data minimum principle - one of the widely recognized common data principles between different data protection laws - should be applied. Public health measures have no exceptions, and it is even more crucial when government activities are involved. In this study, we provide an analysis of how the governments around the world reacted to the COVID-19 pandemic and evaluate whether the South Korean government's digital quarantine measures ensured the protection of its citizen's right to privacy.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제17권1호
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• pp.130-151
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• 2018

China's cultural diplomacy is mostly understood as an endeavour to build and project soft power, which draws on three sources of 'culture, political values and foreign policy' according to Nye. This paper focuses on the debates about the vehicle and agents of China's cultural diplomacy. It starts with a theoretical discussion of the competing views in the Chinese context, and develops an argument that the vehicle of China's cultural diplomacy tries to project soft power on two wheels of culture and political values, to serve the purpose of reshaping China's image away from being the 'cultural other' and 'ideological other' respectively. However, the state-led approach to driving this vehicle is generating some side effects with its sponsorship, censorship and presence in the driver's seat. Then the paper analyses the inherent tensions existing in practice both between the two sources of building soft power and between the two means of doing so, attraction and persuasion, with empirical evidence through a comparative case study of the Confucius Institutes in the US and South Korea. The finding shows that China's attempt at reshaping its image as an Eastern cultural contestant is often disrupted by its authoritarian political values, and the state-led persuasion is often reducing China's cultural attraction. Following this, the paper finishes with some recommendations regarding evolving the cultural diplomacy approach from a vertical one that is government-centred to a horizontal one that is network-based with multiple agents, and localising its practice by engaging the target audiences as stakeholders.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제28권4호
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• pp.31-76
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• 2018

베트남과 필리핀은 남중국해 해양영토분쟁 최전선에 놓여있는 국가들로, 최근 중국과 심각한 갈등을 겪은 바 있다. 두 국가는 중국과의 해양 분쟁에 어떻게 대응하고 있을까? 흥미로운 점은 유사한 분쟁에 직면한 두 국가의 대응전략에 상당한 차이점이 나타난다는 것이다. 두 국가는 분쟁 직후 미국과 군사협력 확대를 추구해왔으나 필리핀은 오히려 최근 미국과의 협력을 축소하는 선택을 했다. 본 연구는 어떤 요인이 두 국가 전략의 차이를 가져왔는지를 밝히고자 한다. 기존 연구는 두 국가의 대응전략을 헤징 개념을 통해 설명해왔다. 하지만 이러한 설명에는 문제가 있다. 두 국가는 각각 2014년, 2012년 중국과 심각한 충돌을 겪었다는 점에서 헤징의 전제조건인 전략적 불확실성이 상당히 완화되었다. 이러한 문제의식을 바탕으로 본 논문은 두 국가의 전략을 란달 슈웰러(Randall L. Schweller)가 말한 바 있는 과소균형(Underbalancing) 개념을 사용해 설명한다. 두 국가 모두 과소균형의 사례이지만 중요한 차이점이 존재한다. 베트남은 집단지도체제로 인한 정책의 조정이 더디게 이루어지는 반면, 필리핀은 강력한 대통령제로 인해 정책의 안정성이 떨어지는 것이다. 본 논문은 중국과 충돌이 발생한 이후 양국의 정책대응을 분석해 양국의 국내정치적 차이가 두 국가의 대응에 나타나는 차이의 상당부분을 설명할 수 있음을 보인다.

• 디지털융복합연구
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• 제20권3호
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• pp.19-26
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• 2022

본 연구는 중국 <인민일보>의 한국 관련 기사에 대한 내용분석을 통해 한국의 국가 이미지가 어떻게 구축되고 있는가를 알아보는데 목적을 두고 있다. 연구대상은 2016년부터 2020년까지 <인민일보>에 게재된 한국 관련 기사 253건이다. 내용분석 방법을 이용해 기사 건수, 지면, 출처, 주제, 보도성향 등 5가지 항목에서 한국 관련 기사를 살펴보았다. 연구결과에 따르면, <인민일보>의 한국 관련 기사 건수는 2016년 이후 감소세를 보였고, 기사 주제는 정치, 사회 분야가 많았다. 2016년과 2017년에는 한국의 사드 배치 결정으로 인해 군사 분야 기사가 다수 게재되었고, 군사분야 기사에서만 부정적인 성향의 기사가 있었다. 대다수의 <인민일보> 한국 관련 기사는 한국을 긍정적으로 혹은 객관적으로 묘사하고 있음을 알 수 있었다. 이런 점으로 볼 때, <인민일보>는 긍정적인 한국의 국가 이미지를 구축하고 있음을 알 수 있다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권39호
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• pp.82-113
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• 2016

This paper analyzes the contents and the effects of the UNSC 2270, and its implications to South Korea's defense strategy and navy. The UN Security Council passed strong sanctions against North Korea which punish North Korea's 4^th nuclear test. The sanctions compared to the previous ones require international society to take practical actions such as comprehensive trade bans as well as diplomatic isolation which will put significant pains on North Korea. Especially, these measures would greatly hamper economic development policy of Kim Joung-un regime. Because Kim Jung-un regime has inherent legitimacy problems which stems from the third family succession of the power, economic difficulties may play an important cause on the regime instability in the long term. In fact, the United States sees this possibility as an option to coerce North Korea in which North Korea choose denuclearization for its regime survival. Nevertheless, the prospects of the UN sanctions are not so optimistic. Considering North Korea's willingness for nuclear development and its level of nuclear technology, North Korea will try to play a gambit with the US and South Korea by exploiting its strategic advantages. North Korea's response will have three following strategies. First, it would actively pursue political and economic survival strategy by using China's support for the regime, strengthening its power grip in the name of countering US hostile policy, and enhancing peace propaganda. Second, North Korea will accelerate efforts to position its status as a nuclear de facto state. For this purpose, it could create nuclear crisis on the peninsula. Third, it would exploit local provocations as an exit strategy to get over the current situation. In order to counter North Korea's actions and punish North Korea's behavior strongly, South Korea needs following strategies and efforts. It should first make all the efforts to implement the UN sanctions. Strong and practical nuclear deterrence strategy and capability with the U.S. should be developed. Effective strategy and capabilities for the prevention and deterrence of North Korea's provocation should be prepared. For this purpose, North Korea's provocation strategy should be thoroughly reviewed. Active international cooperation is needed to punish and coerce North Korea's behavior. Finally, South Korea should prepare for the possible occurrence of North Korea's contingency and make use of the situation as an opportunity to achieve unification. All these strategies and efforts demand the more active roles and missions of South Korea's navy and thus, nullify North Korea's intention militarily.

• 한국항해항만학회지
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• 제32권4호
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• pp.287-294
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• 2008

Recently, amount of cargoes from main ports in Northeast Asia have rapidly increased and as well surplus port development in same region corresponded with the boom in external trade that resulted from successful export-oriented economics strategy by China, Japan and South Korea. To cope with this business circumstances, a certain form of port alliance is desperately needed to provide a suitable service to customer and establish their countervailing power against the shipping alliance. Nevertheless, Incheon seaport has not made a definite port alliance system with main ports in Northern China yet. Thus, the purpose of this study is to identify the key success factors to form a port alliance through examining previous studies. We have benchmarked previous studies which are related to main ports in global region and the questionnaire on customers of ports. By studying this, we are able to suggest a few strategies for forming successful port alliance to enhance Incheon port's capabilities in the long term plan. As a policy proposal, this study suggests Incheon port and main ports in Northern China should construct a logistics infrastructure through mutual investment and provide an incentive system when the ocean carrier makes port call to both ports.

• 무역상무연구
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• 제30권
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• pp.145-174
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• 2006

An anti-dumping has become the trade policy of choice for developing countries as well as advanced countries, hence it is the impending issue to the export-oriented countries including Korea. After colligating the analysis on the trade and industrial policy between Korea and China as well as the analysis on the preceding research, the main reasons of anti-dumping were selected as followings; an unemployment rate, real GDP growth rate and consumer price increase as internal factors, and trade balance, regional coefficient and trade specification index as external factors. Then, the research on how the above seven variable factors can affect the number of anti-dumping measures was accomplished. For the empirical analysis, the above information was used after reorganizing them by on the quarterly basis. Through the use of the correlation analysis, backward elimination of multiple regression analysis model and time-series analysis, it has appeared that the unemployment rate appeared to be the most important factors of anti-dumping measures in addition to the increase rate of trade balance. The variable such as the unemployment rate is uncontrollable for us, so it is appropriate to establish and operate an preemptive monitoring system based on the increasing rate of the amount of export and increasing rate of trade surplus.