• 제목/요약/키워드: Song China

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중국 전통원림의 치석피도(置石被度)에 따른 원로경관의 시지각적 특성 분석 - 한국인과 중국인 시지각 비교를 중심으로 - (A Survey on the Visual Characteristics and Preference of Road Landscape of Traditional Gardens in Suzhou, China based on Rockery Ratio - With a Comparison of Consciousness between Korean and Chinese -)

  • 김동찬;박율진;송매결
    • 한국전통조경학회지
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    • 제29권4호
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    • pp.70-77
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    • 2011
  • 본 연구는 중국 전통 강남원림인 소주원림의 원로경관을 대상으로 치석피도(置石被度)에 따른 한국인과 중국인의 시지각적 특성을 비교 분석하였다. 이를 위하여 SD스케일에 의한 경관 형용사 분석방법으로 시지각적 이미지와 선호도를 파악하였다. 연구방법은 다음과 같다. 중국의 전통 강남원림인 소주의 졸정원, 창랑정, 사자림, 유원, 망사원 원림에 위치한 원로의 경관사진을 촬영하여 그 중 15매를 선정하여, 형용사 21쌍으로 이루어진 설문지로 대학생 한국인 51명과 중국인 52명을 대상으로 조사하였다. 한국인과 중국인의 치석피도에 따른 원로경관의 시지각적 특성과 선호도에 대한 차이를 파악하기 위해서 T검정을 실시하였으며, 치석피도의 선호도에 미치는 영향을 파악하기 위하여 치석피도를 산출해서 유형화하여 한국인과 중국인의 설문결과에 대한 평균분석, 요인분석을 실시하였다. 경관특성 선호요인을 파악하기 위하여 설정된 경관형용사를 척도화 하여 요인분석을 실시하였다. 이를 수행하여 얻은 연구 결과는 다음과 같다: 한국과 중국인의 원로경관 선호도에 대한 차이분석을 실시한 결과, 중국인의 전체적 선호도는 한국인보다 더 높았다. 치석피도로 구분한 유형별로는 평균치가 중간, 매우 작은, 작은, 큰, 매우 큰 순으로 높게 나타났다. 치석피도에 따른 선호도는 치석피도가 낮을수록 선호도는 증가하는 것으로 나타났으며, 치석피도에 따른 선호도의 영향에 있어서는 중국인보다 한국인이 더 큰 영향을 받았다. 전통 강남 원림 가로 경관의 시각적 특성을 요인분석 결과, 한국인의 시각적 특성은 <심미성 요인>, <쾌적성요인>, <정연성 요인>, <흥미성 요인>로 총 4가지 요인으로 분류되었다. 중국인의 시각적 특성은 <심리성 요인>, <쾌적성 요인>, <정연성 요인> 총 3가지 요인으로 분류되었다.

『훈민정음』의 신화성과 반신화성 - 도상성을 중심으로 (Mythicality and Anti-mythicality of Hunminjeongeum)

  • 송효섭
    • 기호학연구
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    • 제54호
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    • pp.93-117
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    • 2018
  • "훈민정음" 해례본에는 훈민정음이 창제되는 과정이 기술되어 있는데, 거기에는 기표가 지시물을 나타내는 기호작용의 법칙이 드러난다. 이 글에서 필자는 기표와 지시물 간의 도상적 관계에 주목하여, 이에 작용하는 신화적 유형과 반신화적 유형에 대해 고찰하고자 한다. 신화적 유형은 당시의 지식층의 사유를 지배했던 음양오행과 천지인 삼재의 원리로 나타난다. 이러한 원리에 군주의 절대적 권력이 결합하여, 그것은 더 이상 논박 가능한 로고스가 아닌 절대적 믿음의 대상인 뮈토스가 된다. 그것은 매우 형이상학적이며 또한 거대서사를 감추고 있다. 그것은 과거로부터 이어져온 목소리이며, 또한 지역적으로는 중국으로부터 비롯된 것이다. 그것이 훈민정음의 소리(글자) 체계에 그대로 반영된다. 그러나 한편으로 훈민정음의 도상기호의 생성에는 반신화적 유형이 개입되기도 한다. 훈민정음은 절대적 권력을 가진 세종이라는 군주의 기획에 의해 만들어진 것이지만, 그 의도가 매우 계몽적이며 실용적이다. 그것은 과거의 문제가 아닌 당대의 문제이며, 특정 권력 계층이 아닌 일반 계층에 대한 수혜의 차원에서 이루어진 것이다. 당대의 실제적 상황에서 기획되고 진행된 것이라는 점에서, 그것은 로고스에 해당하는 것이다. 실제로 최만리 등과의 담론적 투쟁도 있었는데, 이는 훈민정음이 로고스적 인식에 의해 창제되었음을 보여주는 것이기도 하다. 무엇보다도 훈민정음의 도상기호에서 지시물은 인간의 발성기관인데, 이는 그 도상기호가 '몸으로부터 나온 소리는 그 몸과 닮는다'는 실제적인 지표성을 함의하고 있음을 보여주는 것으로, 신화적 유형에 지배된 형이상학이나 거대서사가 해체되는 모습을 보이는 것이다. 이후, 훈민정음은 그것이 쓰이는 순간부터, 그것이 기댔던 형이상학이나 거대서사의 뮈토스가 해체되고, 백성들을 편케 하는 실용적 기호로서 무한한 가능성을 발휘하게 된다. 오늘날 우리가 한글을 통해 구현할 수 있는 문화적 가능성은 끊임없이 생성되는 뮈토스에 대한 이러한 로고스의 해체를 통해 실현될 수 있다.

내단도교 남·북종의 단법 비교 -장백단과 왕중양을 중심으로 - (A Comparative Study on the Method of Internal Alchemy in Southern and Northern Schools of Taoism - Centering on Zhang Bo-duan and Wang Chung-yang)

  • 김경수
    • 한국철학논집
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    • 제42호
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    • pp.197-232
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    • 2014
  • 도교는 처음부터 매우 정치적인 성향을 가지고 있었다. 내단 도교는 여러파가 있었지만 남종과 북종이 대표적이다. 남종은 북송 때에 장백단으로부터 시작되었다. 북종은 금나라의 지배 아래서 왕중양에 의해 창립되었다. 남종은 교단을 만들지 않았으나 북종은 처음부터 교단을 중심으로 발전하였다. 도교는 근본적으로 장생불사를 추구한다. 내단 도교는 내단으로만 그러한 경지에 도달하고자 독특한 수련법을 만들었다. 남종의 수련법은 치밀한 논리적 구조를 가지고 있는데 반하여 북종의 수련법은 그 논리가 다소 부족하다. 남종은 육체적 수련으로부터 정신적 수련을 거쳐 궁극적 목적을 이루는 방법을 취했다. 반면에 북종은 정신적 수련으로부터 육체적 수련을 거쳐 목적을 이루는 방법을 주장하였다. 그러나 북종의 수련법은 순수한 내단법이라고 보기 어려운 내용도 포함하고 있다. 또한 그 수련에서 고행의 과정을 강요하고 있는 것도 남종과는 다른 방법이다. 이러한 차이점들은 그들이 유교와 불교를 이해하는 관점과도 밀접하게 연관된다. 남종은 유교와 선불교를 수련의 첫 단계와 두 번째 단계로 포섭하는 이론을 만들어, 삼교가 마침내 하나의 목적을 달성하는 과정에서 필요하다고 보았다. 이에 반해서 북종은 세 종교가 처음부터 하나의 같은 목적을 가지고 있다고 보았다. 남종은 개인적 수련이 일차적인 목적이고, 북종은 민중의 구제에 근본 목적을 두었다. 이것은 남종과 북종의 주요 인물들의 수명으로 알 수 있다. 남종의 인물들이 대단한 장수를 누렸으나 북종 인물들은 장수를 누렸다고 볼 수 없기 때문이다. 결과적으로, 엄밀하고 장기간의 수련이 필요한 남종은 그맥이 단절되었고, 북종은 거대한 조직을 형성하여 이후 중국 도교의 중심이 되었다. 남종이 북종으로 흡수되었다.

율곡(栗谷) 이이(李珥)의 소통적(疏通的) 역학관(易學觀) 연구(硏究) - 책문(策文)을 중심(中心)으로 - (A Study of YulGok Yi Yi's communicational I-Xue)

  • 서근식
    • 한국철학논집
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    • 제25호
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    • pp.197-222
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    • 2009
  • 율곡(栗谷)의 역학(易學)을 '소통(疏通)'이라는 개념을 중심으로 살펴보았다. 율곡(栗谷)의 역학(易學)은 송대역학(宋代易學)을 수용하고 자신의 '이기지묘(理氣之妙)'의 논리를 접목시킨 것이다. 율곡역학(栗谷易學)에서 '理氣之妙'는 서로 소통(疏通)됨을 나타내는 것으로, '소통(疏通)'은 두 이질적인 요소의 소통(疏通)이라는 의미와 천(天)과 인(人)의 소통(疏通)이라는 보다 넓은 의미의 소통(疏通)까지 포함하는 개념이다. 체용일원(體用一源)과 하락상수론(河洛象數論)에서도 '소통(疏通)'의 논리를 적용하였다. 율곡(栗谷)은 이치(理致)(이(理))와 현상(現象)(상(象))을 존재(存在)의 두 양상으로 보는 일반적인 체용일원(體用一源)의 논리를 수용하지만, 이(理)와 상(象)을 이치(理致)(이(理))와 실천(實踐)(천(踐))의 문제로 해석함으로써 '소통(疏通)'의 측면을 보다 강조하려고 하였다. 하락상수론(河洛象數論)에서도 이러한 견해는 마찬가지로 적용된다. "하도(河圖)"가 "낙서(洛書)"가 될 수도 있고 "낙서(洛書)"가"하도(河圖)"가 될 수 있다는 점을 강조함으로써 "하도(河圖)"와 "낙서(洛書)"가 서로가 서로를 필요로 하는 소통(疏通)관계에 있음을 강조하였다. 율곡역학(栗谷易學)에서 '소통(疏通)'의 논리는 '천인교여(天人交與)'에서 결정을 이룬다. 율곡(栗谷)은 "역수책(易數策)"에서 '천인교여지묘(天人交與之?)'라는 표현을 쓰는데 이는 '이기지묘(理氣之妙)'를 염두에 둔 표현이다. '합일(合一)'이라는 표현 대신 '교여(交與)'라는 표현을 사용한 것은 천(天)과 인(人)의 관계가 서로가 서로를 필요로 하는 관계임을 강조하기 위한 것이다. '천인교여(天人交與)'는 천(天)과 인(人)이 긴밀하게 사귐을 나타내는 표현이지만 천(天)의 노력보다는 인(人)의 노력을 보다 강조한다. '천인교여(天人交與)'의 주체를 인(人)으로 하는 것으로 인(人)의 실천적 노력을 강조하기 위한 것이다.

여헌(旅軒) 장현광(張顯光)의 실학적(實學的) 설계(設計) - 『역학도설(易學圖說)』과 위기지학(爲己之學) - (Yeoheon Jang Hyun Gwang's Design of Self-organization for Completion of Confucian Truth)

  • 유권종
    • 동양고전연구
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    • 제49호
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    • pp.7-38
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    • 2012
  • 본 연구는 여헌의 "역학도설"이 사실은 위기지학(爲己之學)의 전통을 계승하는 동시에 그것을 강화하고 발전시키는 저술이라는 점을 논증한 것이다. 그 논증의 방식은 공자로부터 송대로 이어지는 위기지학의 개념화 과정, 그리고 특히 남송 시대의 주희와 그의 문인들에 의하여 시도된 위기지학의 체계화 과정을 논하고, 그것을 바탕으로 여헌의 "역학도설"이 그러한 위기지학 전통의 계승과 발전이라는 맥락에서 이루어진 것임을 밝히는 것이었다. 위기지학은 공자 이래로 유학의 맥락에서 유학적 진실을 지키기 위해서 개발하고 전승하면서 체계화하여 온 실학적 방법론이라는 관점을 채택하였고, 여헌의 "역학도설"은 바로 이러한 실학적 방법론을 발전시켜서 더 실현력이 높은 방법론으로 발전시킨 것이라는 관점을 취한 것이 본 연구이다. 특히 그가 "역학도설"에서 성현의 사업 내지 우주 사업을 강조하는 것이 바로 그렇게 볼 수 있는 점이다. 이러한 논의는 아직까지 위기지학에 관한 연구가 본격화되지 않은 상태에서 이루어진 것이므로, 더 많은 구체적이고 상세한 논의를 필요로 하는 것이다. 그럼에도 불구하고 본 연구를 통해서 제시하고자 했던 여헌의 "역학도설"의 저술적 지향성이나 학문적 내용의 특성에 대해서는 기존의 연구들이 주로 역학이라는 경학적 분야에서 이루어진 성과라는 사실에 초점을 맞추었던 것과 차별화된 관점을 제시하는 데에는 작은 기여를 하였다고 생각된다. 여헌의 "역학도설"은 따라서 역학의 원리와 체제에 근거하여 설계한 위기지학의 교과서로서의 성향과 구도를 두드러지게 갖추고 있는 저술이다. 중국 송대부터 이어지면서 발전해온 위기지학이 여헌의 단계에 이르러서 역학의 방식에 의하여 재구성되었다는 점에 중요한 발전이 있는 것이다. 즉 여헌의 "역학도설"은 경학과 위기지학을 통합하고, 비로소 경학의 지혜를 우주 사업의 역량으로 내면화하고 양성할 수 있는 체계적인 방법을 세웠다는 점에 의의가 있다. 이것은 중국의 송대의 유학자들이 위기지학의 중요성을 절감하면서도 경학의 숲에 매몰되어서 경학과 위기지학의 병행상태에 있었던 것과 다르다. 그리고 조선의 유학자들도 성학의 명칭을 사용한 저술로써 위기지학을 체계화하였지만 그것들이 입문의 방법을 제시하는 점에서는 과거 선유들의 언급을 되풀이하는 것과도 다르다. 여헌은 그가 터득한 역(易)의 이치와 그것을 다루는 역학(易學)의 이치(易簡)를 매우 간결하게 요약하였고, 동시에 천지의 도에 두루 통할 수 있도록 인간사의 다양한 과정과 변수들을 통괄하여 섭렵하고 통달할 수 있는 공부의 과정을 설계한 것이라고 판단된다. 그러한 의미에서 여헌의 "역학도설"이 위기지학의 전개과정에서 중국의 전통을 잘 발전시켜서 완결된 체계를 구성했다고 평가된다.

리눅스 기반 U.K. 지구시스템모형을 이용한 동아시아 SO2 배출에 따른 기상장 변화 (Changes in Meteorological Variables by SO2 Emissions over East Asia using a Linux-based U.K. Earth System Model)

  • 윤대옥;송형규;이조한
    • 한국지구과학회지
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    • 제43권1호
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    • pp.60-76
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    • 2022
  • 본 연구는 기상청에서 운용 중인 영국 the United Kingdom Earth System Model (UKESM)을 리눅스 클러스터에 설치하여 과거 28년 기간에 대해 적분을 수행하고, 추가적인 수치 실험을 수행하여 얻은 결과와 비교한다. 설치한 UKESM은 저해상도 버전이지만, 대류권 대기 화학-에어로졸 과정과 성층권 오존 화학 과정을 동시에 모의하는 United Kingdom Chemistry and Aerosol (UKCA) 모듈을 포함하고 있는 최신 버전이다. 본 연구에 사용된 UKCA가 포함된 UKESM (UKESM-UKCA)은 전체 대기에서의 화학, 에어로졸, 구름, 복사 과정이 연동된 모델이다. CMIP5 기존 배출량 자료를 사용하는 UKESM 기준 적분 수치 모의와 함께, 동아시아 지역 이산화황(SO2) 배출이 기상장에 미치는 영향을 평가하기 위하여 CMIP5 SO2 배출량 대신 최신의 REAS 배출자료로 교체한 실험 적분 수치 모의를 수행하였다. 두 수치 모의의 기간은 모두 1982년 1월 1일부터 2009년 12월 31일까지 총 28년이며, 모델 결과는 동아시아 지역 에어로졸 광학 두께, 2-m 온도, 강수 강도의 시간 평균값과 시간 변화 경향의 공간 분포를 분석하고 관측자료와 비교하였다. 모델에서 얻어진 온도와 강수 강도의 공간 분포 패턴은 관측자료와 전반적으로 유사하였다. 또한 UKESM에서 모의된 오존 농도와 오존전량의 공간 분포도 위성 관측 자료와 분포 패턴이 일치하였다. 두 UKESM 실험 적분 모의 결과로 얻어진 온도와 강수 강도의 선형 변화 경향의 비교를 통해, 동아시아 지역 SO2 지면 배출은 서태평양과 중국 북부지역에 대한 온도와 강수량의 변화 경향에 중요한 요인임을 확인할 수 있었다. 본 연구를 통해 슈퍼컴퓨터에서만 운용되던 UKESM이 리눅스 클러스터 컴퓨팅 환경에도 설치되어 운용이 가능하다는 점을 제시한다. 대기 환경 및 탄소순환을 연구하는 다양한 분야의 연구자들에게도 대기-해양-지면-해빙이 상호작용하는 UKESM와 같은 지구시스템모델이 활용될 가능성과 접근성이 높아졌다.

지진에 의한 산사태 위험도 평가방안에 관한 연구 (A Study on Risk Assessment Method for Earthquake-Induced Landslides)

  • 서준표;유송;이기환;이창우;우충식
    • 한국재난정보학회 논문집
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    • 제17권4호
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    • pp.694-709
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    • 2021
  • 연구목적: 지진에 의한 산사태 위험도 평가를 통하여 지진발생 전에는 산사태 예방사업, 지진발생 후에는 피해지 예측 및 복구 우선순위 선정으로 지진유발 산사태 피해저감을 효율적·선제적으로 하기 위한 기초자료를 제공하고자 수행하였다. 연구방법: 국외 선행연구를 분석하여 평가 방법론 검토와 평가 인자를 도출하고 국내 산사태 위험지도 활용성을 검토하였다. 또한 지진동 감쇠식을 이용하여 포항지역의 단층대 및 진앙지 기준으로 지진에 의한 산사태 위험지도를 시범 구축하였다. 연구결과: 지진에 의한 산사태 위험도 평가 연구는 중국이 전체의 44%, 이탈리아 16%, 미국 15%, 일본 10%, 대만 8% 순으로 나타났다. 평가 방법론으로 통계적 모형이 59%로 가장 많았고, 물리적 모형이 23%로 나타났다. 통계적 모형에 많이 사용된 인자는 고도, 단층대와의 거리, 경사도, 사면방향, 모암, 지형곡률로 나타났다. 현재 국내의 산사태 위험지도는 지형·지질·임상이 반영되는데 이를 활용한 지진에 의한 산사태 위험도 평가는 합리적인 것으로 나타났다. 포항지역에 단층대 및 진앙지 기준으로 산사태 위험도를 평가한 결과 기존의 낮은 등급이 높은 등급으로 변화하는 등 지진의 영향이 고려되었다. 결론: 광역 단위의 지진유발 산사태 위험도 평가를 위해서는 산사태 위험지도를 활용하는 것이 효율적이다. 단층대 기준의 위험지도는 지진에 의한 산사태 피해방지를 위한 예방사방사업 대상지 선정에 활용하고, 진앙지 기준의 위험지도는 지진이 발생한 이후 산사태 피해 현황을 조사하거나 피해지 복구 등 피해방지 대책 우선순위 선정의 효율적 사후관리에 활용할 수 있다.

금원사대가의학(金元四大家醫學)이 조선조의학(朝鮮朝醫學) 형성(形成)에 미친 영향(影響) (The influence of the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era on the completion of the medicine in the Chosun dynasty)

  • 정면;홍원식
    • 대한한의학원전학회지
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    • 제9권
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    • pp.432-552
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    • 1996
  • The influence of the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era(金元代) on the completion of the medicine in the Chosun dynasty(朝鮮朝) can be summarized as follows. 1. The four noted physicians of Geum-Won era were Yoo-Wan-So(劉完素), Jang-Jong-Jung(張從正), Lee-Go(李杲), Ju-Jin-Heung(朱震亨). 2. Yoo-Wan-So(劉完索) made his theory on the basic of Nae-Kyung("內經") and Sane-Han-Lon("傷寒論"), his idea of medicine was characterized in his books, for exemple, application of O-Oon-Yuk-Ki(五運六氣), Ju-Wha theory(主火論) and hang-hae-seng-je theory(亢害承制論). from his theory and method of study, many deviations of oriental medicine occurred. He made an effort for study of Nae-Kyung, which had been depressed for many years, on the contrary of the way old study that Nae-Kyung had been only explained or revised, he applied the theory of Nae-Kyung to clinical care. The theory of Yuk-Gi-Byung-Gi(六氣病機) and On-Yeul-Byung(溫熱病) had much influenced on his students and posterities, not to mention Jang-Ja-Wha and Ju-Jin-Heung, who were among the four noted physicians therefore he became the father of Yuk-Gi(六氣) and On-Yeul(溫熱) schools. 3. Jang-Jong-Jung(張從正) emulated Yoo-Wan-So as a model, and followed his Yuk-Gi-Chi-Byung(六氣致病) theory, but he insisted on the use of the chiaphoretic, the emetic and the paregoric to get rid of the causes, specially he insisted on the use of the paregoric, so they called him Gong-Ha-Pa(攻下派). He insisted on the theory that if we would strenthen ourselves we should use food, id get rid of cause, should use the paregoric, emetic and diaphoretic. Jang-Jong-Jung'S Gang-Sim-Wha(降心火) theory, which he improved Yoo-Wan-So's Han-Ryang(寒凉) theory influenced to originate Ju-Jin-Heung'S Ja-Eum-Gang-Wha(滋陰降火) theory. 4. Lee-Go(李杲) insisted on the theory that Bi-Wi(脾胃) played a loading role in the physiological function and pathological change, and that the internal disease was originated by the need of Gi(氣) came from the disorder of digestive organs, and that the causes of internal disease were the irregular meal, the overwork, and mental shock. Lee-Go made an effort for study about the struggle of Jung-Sa(正邪) and in the theory of the prescription he asserted the method of Seung-Yang-Bo-Gi(升陽補氣), but he also used the method of Go-Han-Gang-Wha(苦寒降火). 5. The authors of Eui-Hak-Jung-Jun("醫學正傳"), Eui-Hak-Ib-Moon("醫學入門"), and Man-Byung-Whoi-Choon("萬病回春") analyzed the medical theory of the four noted physicians and added their own experiences. They helped organizing existing complicated theories of the four noted physicians imported in our country, and affected the formation of medical science in the Choson dynasty largely. Eui-Hak-Jung-Jun("醫學正傳") was written by Woo-Dan(虞槫), in this book, he quoted the theories of Yoo-Wan-So, Jang-Jong-Jung, Lee-Go, Ju-Jin-Heung, especially, Ju-Jin-Heung was respected by him, it affected the writing of Eui-Lim-Choal-Yo("醫林撮要"). Eui-Hak-ib-Moon("醫學入門"), written by Lee-Chun(李杲), followed the medical science of Lee-Go and ju-jin-heung from the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era. Its characteristics of Taoism, idea of caring of health, and organization affected Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham("東醫寶鑑"). Gong-Jung-Hyun(龔延賢) wrote Man-Byung-Whoi-Choon("萬病回春") using the best part of the theories of Yoo-Wan-So, Jang-Jong-Jung, Lee-Go, Ju-Jin-Heung, this book affected Dong-Eui-Soo-Se-Bo-Won("東醫壽世保元") partly. 6. our medical science was developed from the experience of the treatment of disease obtained from human life, these medical knowledge was arranged and organized in Hyang-Yak-Jib-Sung-Bang("鄕藥集成方"), medical books imported from China was organized in Eui-Bang-Yoo-Chwi("醫方類聚"), which formed the base of medical development in the Chosun dynasty. 7. Eui-Lim-Choal-Yo("醫林撮要") was written by Jung-Kyung-Sun(鄭敬先) and revised by Yang-Yui-Soo(楊禮壽). It was written on the base of Woo-Dan's Eui-Jung-Jun, which compiled the medical science of the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era. It contained confusing theories of the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era and organized medical books of Myung era, therefore it completed the basic form of Byun-Geung-Non-Chi (辨證論治) influenced the writing of Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham("東醫寶鑑"). 8. Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham("東醫寶鑑") was written on the base of basic theory of Eum-Yang-O-Haeng(陰陽五行) and the theory of respondence of heaven and man(天人相應說) in Nae-Kyung. It contained several theories and knowledge, such as the theory of Essence(精), vitalforce(氣), and spirit(神) of Taoism, medical science of geum-won era, our original medical knowledge and experience. It had established the basic organization of our medical science and completed the Byun-Geung-Non-Chi (辨證論治). Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham developed medical science from simple medical treatment to protective medical science by caring of health. And it also discussed human cultivation and Huh-Joon's(許浚) own view of human life through the book. Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham adopted most part of Lee-Go(李杲) and Ju-Jin-Heung's(朱震亨) theory and new theory of "The kidney is the basis of apriority. The spleen is the basis of posterior", so it emphasized the role of spleen and kidney(脾腎) for Jang-Boo-Byung-Gi(臟腑病機). It contained Ju-Jin-Heung's theory of the cause and treatment of disease by colour or fatness of man(black or white, fat or thin). It also contained Ju-Jin-Heung's theory of "phlegm break out fever, fever break out palsy"(痰生熱 熱生風) and the theory of Sang-Wha(相火論). Dong-Eui-Bo-Kham contained Lee-Go's theory of Wha-Yu-Won-Bool-Yang-Lib (火與元氣不兩立論) quoted the theory of Bi-Wi(脾胃論) and the theory of Nae-Oi-Sang-Byun(內外傷辨). For the use of medicine, it followed the theory by Lee-Go. lt used Yoo-Wan-So'S theory of Oh-Gi-Kwa-Keug-Gae-Wi-Yul-Byung(五志過極皆爲熱病) for the treatment of hurt-spirit(傷神) because fever was considered as the cause of disease. It also used Jang-Jons-Jung's theory of Saeng-Keug-Je-Seung(生克制勝) for the treatment of mental disease. 9. Lee-je-ma's Dong-Eui-Soo-Se-Bo-Won("東醫壽世保元") adopted medical theories of Song-Won-Myung era and analyzed these theories using the physical constitutional theory of Sa-Sang-In(四象人). It added Dong-Mu's main idea to complete the theory and clinics of Sa-Sang-Eui-Hak(四象醫學). Lee-Je-Ma didn't quote the four noted physicians of Geum-Won era to discuss that the physical constitutional theory of disease and medicine from Tae-Eum-In(太陰人), So-Yang-In(少陽人), So-Eum-In(少陰人), and Tae-Yang-In(太陽人) was invented from their theories.

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일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 대한한의학원전학회지
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    • 제20권4호
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    • pp.211-250
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    • 2007
  • 1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 동국한의학연구소논문집
    • /
    • 제10권
    • /
    • pp.1-40
    • /
    • 2008
  • 1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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