• 천문학논총
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• 제39권1호
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• pp.1-12
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• 2024

In this study, we investigated the time signal devices of Deungnu (circa 1270) and Gungnu (1354), the water clocks produced during the Yuan Dynasty (1271-1368). These clocks influenced Heumgyeonggaknu (1438) of the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910), exemplifying the automatic water clocks of the Yuan Dynasty. Deungnu, Gungnu, and Heumgyeonggaknu can be considered as automatic mechanical clocks capable of performances. The Jega-Yeoksang-Jip (Collection of Calendrical and Astronomical Theories of Various Chinese Masters) contains records of Deungnu extracted from the History of the Yuan Dynasty. We interpreted these records and analyzed reproduction models and technical data previously produced in China. The time signal device of Deungnu featured a four-story structure, with the top floor displaying the four divine constellations, the third floor showcasing models of these divinities, the second floor holding 12-h jacks and a 100-Mark ring, and the first floor with four musicians and a 100-Mark Time-Signal Puppet providing a variety of visual attractions. We developed a 3D model of Deungnu, proposing two possible mechanical devices to ensure that the Time-Signal Puppet simultaneously pointed to the 100-Mark graduations in the east, west, south, and north windows: one model reduced the rotation ratio of the 100-Mark ring to 1/4, whereas the other model maintained the rotation ratio using four separate 100-Mark rings. The power system of Deungnu was influenced by Suunuisangdae (the water-driven astronomical clock tower) of the Northern Song Dynasty (960-1127); this method was also applied to Heumgyeonggaknu in the Joseon Dynasty. In conclusion, these automatic water clocks of East Asia from the 13th to 15th centuries symbolized creativity and excellence, representing scientific devices that were the epitome of clock-making technology in their times.

• Korean Journal of Acupuncture
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• 제29권3호
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• pp.371-384
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• 2012

Objectives : The meridian system is a systematic complex of empirical knowledge, which functions as a basis of acupuncture treatment. In this article, we reviewed the visualization methods of meridian and acupuncture points through the investigation of the characteristics of Diagram of Meridians, Mingtang Diagram, Diagram of Meridians and Collaterals, Bronze Statues and Diagram of Bronze Statue. Methods : We investigated the characteristics of Diagram of Meridians, Mingtang Diagram, Diagram of Meridians and Collaterals, and Bronze Statues. We reviewed the visualization methods of meridian and acupuncture points in those classical Diagrams and analyzed their relationships among them. Results : In order to explain the meridian and acupuncture points easily, ancient people usually used drawings which are named Mingtang Diagram, Diagram of Meridians and Collaterals, by their own characteristics. Owing to their limitations of drawings on the 2 dimensional plane, Chinese people designed the Bronze Statue for Acu-moxibustion and its first invention was invented in Tiansheng age of Song dynasty. For several decades and centuries, these models and drawings were inherited, also reflecting variations of meridian system. As the Bronze Statue has a deficiency in the educational use because of its limitations of mass production, Diagram of Bronze Statue drawn on the 2 dimensional plane was invented. At the beginning of Mingtang Diagram, Diagram of Meridians and Collaterals, Diagram of Bronze Statue and Bronze Statue, their own characteristics were significantly differed with other diagrams and statues. We found that both diagrams and statues were gradually combined with description of the relationship between internal organs and the skeletal structure and the meridian system. Conclusions : Our findings suggest that Diagram of Meridians, Mingtang Diagram, Diagram of Meridians and Collaterals, and Bronze Statues are the basic form of data visualization, one of the infographics. We suggest that ancient Chinese people intend to explain the empirical knowledge using the ancient infographics of meridian system, but have limitations on reflecting theorical or abstractional meaning.

• 대한한의정보학회지
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• 제20권1호
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• pp.25-156
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• 2014

This thesis is consisted of studying of the medical literature about Five sense of organs. Five sense of organs are the eyes, tongue, mouth, nose and ears. Five sense of organs are performed human senses which external sensory information by accepting an important feature for maintaining the biological activity to be performed. The contents was compiled up to the Donguibogam to Chinese literature and documents encompass the Korea medical literature, Donguibogam related to the senses to identify the citation of each chapter, the actual quotation through doctrine and other publications revealed that the citation is to investigate how accurately identified through studying the analysis and observation. It is as following as I observed carefully the senses of Donguibogam quotations related to each other through doctrine and publishment institution follows in order of dynasties. There are four volumes of Han-dynasty, one volume of Weijinnanbei-Era, two volumes of Tang-dynasty, nineteen volumes of SongJinYuan-dynasty, seven volumes of Ming-dynasty as Chinese medical literature. There are four volumes of Chosun-dynasty as Korean medical literature. It is the most quotation publishment that the books of SongJinYuan-dynasty of above thirty-six-volume. It is the latest quotation book that is Gujinyigan in Chinese medical literature and Euirimchwalyo in Korean medical literature. It is very positive quotation considering even Donguibogam publishment year in 1613. The reference books are four volumes of Chosun-dynasty as Korean medical literature and thirty-two-volume of Chinese medical literature. By observing the quotation frequency, 157 times in Sheyideaiofang, 115 times in Yixuerumen, 74 times in Yixuegangmu, 39 times in Wanbinghuichun, 31 times in Euibangryuchwi, 30 times in Renzhezhizhifang and Gujinyigan, 28 times in Danxixinfafuyu, 23 times Hwangdineijing, 17 times in Nanshibizang and Yixuezhengchuan. Other else books have been cited less than 10 times. It might be made error that did not find the source of the books even though cited reference, also even though defining the source of reference it is only rare reference book. As mention above, there are a lot of discovering as the feature of reference Publications. Most of all we could find out the reference literature cited in Donguibogam, however we couldn't clarify other books in original books. Thus, we should remember that it did not coincide with cited marks when studying the Donguibogam.

• 복식
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• 제22권
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• pp.205-224
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• 1994

It was aimed to study the costume of Koryo dynasty based upon the thirty pictures of Bud-dha to hang on the wall among the existing Buddist paintings. The costume to study were made about 64 years during the King Chung-yol(1286) to the King Chung-jong(1350) which style was mostly related in Won Dynasty. 가) Men's wear ; 1. Hair style and hair dress ; Man tied up a top knot and they put on the hat such as a Kuan Kun and Mo. The young boys binds his hair up one, two, and three knot-s, and tied up with a hair ribbon, A kinds of Kuan-mo were Mine-lu-kuan Yuan-yu-kuan, Nong-kuan, Hae-chi-kuan Pok-du Yun-wha-kuan Yip-mo- and Tu-ku(Helmeto) 2. clothes ; 1) Colour of Koryo King's Mien-ku Kuan costume was not agree with blue and reddish black colour which was used in Yo, Song, Kum and Won Dynasty, however black and greenhish blue colour was agreed with. 2) The king wore T'ung-t'ien-kuan(Yuan-yu-kuan) and the government officials wore Chin-hien-kuan Hae-chi-kuan and Nong-kuan as a court dress. In general the king and the Crown Prince wore a hats which was used in T'ung-t'ien system however sometimes they wore small hats which was cited in literature. 3) Gate guard and upper garment wore colourful costume figured gold colour pattern which was distin-gtive costume system of Koryo. 4) A monk wore big sleeve long skirt big sleeve long jacket long skirt and shoulder scar-f full shoulder scarf or right hand shoulder opened scarf. 5) The Soldiers wore helmet shoulder or scarf pee-back hung-kap, pok-kap, yang-dan-g-kap we-yu-kap kun-kap, and boots and they carried arms. 6) The young boys wore scarf, loin cloth, long skirt, belt neckless, wan-silk, boots and foots wear and wristless. 나) Women's wear ; 1. Hair style and hairs and tied up with a hair ribbon and wore precious ston decorated hair dress wheel shape hair dress pan shaped head dress handkerchif covered hair dress decorated precious stone hair pin silk chippon made of head dress muf-fler shaped hairdress. Boots mocasin hae lee, suk and sandle wored as a shoes depends on the classes. They wore neckless, earing wres-tless and wan-pu-sik. 2. Closthe 1) High rank lade's wore un-kyun attached jacket and jacket sleeves decorated pleats and pleats decorated long skirt apron back apron knot belt, scarf this type is the same with Dang Dynasty five dynasty of china Song, Kum Won, Myung Dynasty and our cos-tume of Poe-hae, and Shilla Dynasty.

• 한국환경생태학회지
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• 제30권5호
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• pp.865-873
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• 2016

지리산국립공원 반달가슴곰은 2004년부터 러시아 연해주, 북한, 중국 동북부 일대와 서식지외 보전기관인 서울대공원에서의 재도입을 통해 복원사업을 진행하고 있다. 본 연구의 목적은 배설물을 통해 식이물을 분석하여 반달가슴곰의 먹이습성, 지리산국립공원에서의 먹이 자원 환경을 파악하기 위함이다. 2005년부터 2013년 사이에 무선 위치 모니터링이 가능한 반달가슴곰 배설물 78점을 채집하여 먹이원을 분석한 결과 상대출현빈도는 식물이 77%로 가장 높게 나타났고, 곤충 12.8%, 포유류 5.6%, 기타 3.6%, 조류 0.5%, 절지동물문 0.5%의 순이었다. 또한 수집한 배설물 중 건중량을 측정한 52점 대상으로 먹이 비(ratio)를 분석한 결과 식물이 91.2%로 가장 높게 나타났으며, 포유류 3.6%, 곤충류 1.0%, 기타 4.2%의 순이었다. 배설물을 통한 먹이원 분석 연구 결과 지리산에 서식하는 반달가슴곰은 잡식성이며, 동물성 먹이보다 식물성 먹이가 주 먹이원인 것으로 확인할 수 있었다.

• 대한의료기공학회지
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.13-59
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• 1996

Dep. of Classics &Medical History, College of Oriental Medicint, Kyung Hee University Today, many people are more interested Today, many people are more interested in preventing the disease than curing it. Chi-Kung(氣功) is the way of Life-Cultivation(養生法) peculiar to the orient, it is reported in china that Chi-Kung has an excellent curative value not only in curing the disease but also in preventing it. But the full-scale study of Chi-Kung is not be made up to now in Korea, so I studied the developmental history of chinese Chi-Kung through the oriental medical books. From this study, I reached the following conclusions; 1. Chi-Kung is naturally derived from the self-preservation instinct to adapt oneself to circumstances of the nature, but in the investigation from the documentational records, it is originated in the treatment method of the Sam-Huang-O-Jae(三皇五帝) period to cure the abnormal circulation of the vital force and blood caused by damp(濕). 2. As the principle and the method of the Life-Cultivation of the Chun-Chu-Jeon-Kook(春秋戰國) period were recorded in Huang-Jae-Nai-Gyung(黃帝內經) detailly and the remedy examples by ancient Chi-Kung such as Tao-Yin(導引), Haeng-Chi(行氣) were presented, we considered that theoretical basis of the development of Life-cultivation and Chi-Kung study was furnished in that period. 3. A famous doctor, Hwa-Ta(華引) lived in Han dynasty, researched the theory and practice of Tao-Yin transmitted from the former generations, as that result, he formed a kind of medical, gymnastics what is called O-Keum-Hi(五禽?). It is considered that 'O-Keum-Hi' is a Tao-Yin method developed more practically and systemetically than the Tao-Yin appeared in the 'Jang-Ja'(莊子) or 'Hoy-Nam-Ja'(淮南子). 4. In Wui-Jin-Nambook-Jo(魏曺南北朝) periods, the contents of Chi-Kung were more abundant under the influence of Buddhism(佛敎) and Taoism(道敎). Galhong(葛洪), the author of 'Po-Bak-Ja'(抱朴子) arranged the ancient Chi-Kung method systematically first of all, Tao-Goeng-Gyung, the author of 'Yang-Seong-Yeun-Myung-Rok'(養性延命錄) recorded the 'Yook-Ja-Geul'(六字訣) first time. 5. There is a new development of Chi-Kung therapy in Soo-Tang-Odae(隋唐五代) periods, especially So-Won-Bang(巢元方), the author of 'Jey-Bang-Won-Hwu-Ron' collected almost all of the Chi-Kung method, for curing the disease formed before Soo(隋) period. From that fact, we supposed that Chi-Kung was utilized more widely in curing the disease. 6. 'So-Ju-Cheon-Hwa-Hu-Peob'(小周天火候法) was adopted as the best orthodox approach under the influence of Nae-Tan-Taoist(道敎內丹學波) in Song-Keum-Won(宋金元) periods, especially in the song dynasty, 'Pal-Dan-Geum'(八段錦) was appearde and assignment of six-Chi(六氣) for bowel and viscera in the 'Yook-Ja-Geul'(六字訣) was decided firmly, that is to say Lung-Si(肺-?), Heart-Kha(心-呵), Spleen-Hoa(脾-呼), liver-Hoe(肝-噓), Kidney-chui(賢-吹), Three-Burner-shi(三焦-?). 7. In Myung-Cheong(明淸) periods, The general practitioner applied the principle of 'Byun-Jeng-Ron-Chi(辨證論治) to the Chi-Kung field, and after Myung dynasty the style of doing 'Yook-Ja-Gyel'(六字訣) was developed to the moving style. 8. Today, in china, the study on the Chi-Kyung is being progressed constantly under the positive assistance of government, Chi-Kung-Hak(氣功學) has taking its place as a branch of study step by step. It is considered that the establishment of Chi-Kung-Hak Classroom(氣功學敎室) and Medical Chi-Kung Center(氣功療法室) for special and systematic research are needed, at the same time the settlement of institutional system for training the Chi-Kung technician(氣功師) is also needed.

• 안보군사학연구
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• 통권7호
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• pp.155-231
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• 2009

Xu-Jing(徐競) an official of the Song(宋), a medieval Kingdom of China, wrote a book titled $\ll$Koryo Tu Jing(高麗圖經)$\gg$ which explains his travel to the Koryo as a member of diplomatic mission in 1123. $\ll$Koryo Tu Jing$\gg$ is the record of his personal experience in Koryo with many explanatory illustrations and especially contains 5 months' voyage record of his diplomatic fleet. His fleet set sail at a port located in the Ding Hai Xian(定海縣), Ming Zhou(明州) via a few islands of Koryo [Hyup Kye San(俠界山) , the Kun San Do(群山島) , the Ja Yon Do(紫燕島) , the Keup Su Mun(急水門) in Kang Hwa Gun(江華郡) and the Hap Gul(蛤窟) ] and finally arrived the Port Ye Song Hang(禮成港) . According to the Xu-Jing's record his fleet sailed the sea with the help of the favorable seaward winds and tides as the usual way of ancient sailing. The Xu- Jing's Fleet sailed the sea between the Mei Cen(梅岑), Ming Zhou(明州) of China and the Hyup Kye San(俠界山) of Koryo from about 5:00 a.m., May 24th(of the lunar calendar) to about 5:00 p.m., June 2nd. At this section, the average speed of the seaward winds was 19.45km/h and the average speed of the fleet which sailed only by the power of the winds was 6.29km/h. This means that 32.3% of the favorable seaward winds' speed was equal to the speed of the ancient fleet which sailed only by the power of the favorable seaward winds. The fleet sailed the sea between the Ja Yon Do(紫燕島) and the Keup Su Mun(急水門) from about 9:00 a.m., June 10th to about 1:00 p.m., the same day. At this section the fleet sailed by the power of tides in addition to the favorable seaward winds without oaring. The average speed of the winds was not different from that of former section and the average speed of the tides was 1.937km/h. And at this section the average speed of the fleet increased by 0.41km/h than that of the former section. This means that 21.1% of the speed of the tides was equal to the increased speed of the ancient fleet by virtue of the tides. The fleet sailed the sea between Keup Su Mun(急水門) and the Hap Gul(蛤窟) from about 1:00 p.m., June 10th to about 3:00 p.m., the same day. At this section, there were no seaward winds and the fleet sailed only by the powers of tides and oaring. And at this section, the tide increased the average speed of the fleet by 0.3114km/h and the fleet could sail at the speed of 4.3km/h. So we can conclude that the average speed of ancient fleet without any influences of the seaward winds and tides was 3.98 km/h. We can make use of the various sailing speeds of ancient fleets when judging their maritime activities. If we make use of the various sailing speeds of the ancient fleets as calculated in this article, we will be able to get various important informations about the certain ancient fleet's maritime maneuver. For example, we can infer the sailing routs of a certain fleet and the time when the fleet passed a certain spot by making use of the various sailing speeds of the ancient fleet. In this article I did not take account of the shapes of ships that consist of the ancient fleets and the sizes of the various ships and fleets. It was because that such factors would not change the foresaid conclusions seriously.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제4권
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• pp.19-73
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• 1990

Today, many people are more interested in preventing the disease than curing it. Chi-Kung (氣功) is the way of Life-Cultivation (養生法) peculiar to the orient, it is reported in china that Chi-Kung has an excellent curative value not only in curing the disease but also in preventing it. But the full-scale study of Chi-Kung is not be made up to now in Korea, so I studied the developmental history of chinese Chi-Kung through the oriental medical books. From this study, I reached the following conclusions ; 1. Chi-Kung is naturally derived from the self-preservation instinct to adapt oneself to circumstances of the nature, but in the investigation from the documentational records, it is originated in the treatment method of the Sam-Huang-O-Jae (三皇五帝 )period to cure the abnormal circulation of the vital force and blood caused by damp (濕). 2. As the principle and the method of the Life-Cultivation of the Chun-chu-Jeon-Kook (春秋戰國) periods were recorded in Huang-Jae-Nai-Gyung (黃帝內徑) detailly and the remedy examples by ancient Chi-Kung such as Tao-Yin (導引), Haeng-Chi (行氣) were presented, we considered that theoretical basis of the development of Life-cultivation and Chi-Kung study was furnished in that period. 3. A famous doctor, Hwa-Ta (華陀) lived in Han dynasty, researched the theory and practice of Tao-Yin transmitted from the former generations, as that result, he formed a kind of medical gymnastics what is called O-Keum-Hi (五禽戱). It is considered that 'O-Keum-Hi' is a Tao-Yin method developed more practically and systemetically than the Tao-Yin appeared in the 'Jang-Ja' (莊子) or 'Hoy-Nam-Ja' (淮南子). 4. In Wui-Jin-Nambook Jo (魏晋南北朝) periods, the contents of Chi-Kung were more abundant under the influence of Buddhism (佛敎) and Taoism (道敎). Galhong (葛洪), the author of 'Po-Bak-Ja' (抱朴子) arranged the ancient Chi-Kung method systematically first of all, Tao-Goeng-Gyung (陶宏景), the author of 'Yang-Seong-Yeun-Myung-Rok' (養性延命錄) recorded the 'Yook-Ja-Geul' (六字訣) first time. 5. There is a new development of Chi-Kung therapy in Soo-Tang-Odae (隋唐五代) pefiods, especially So-Won-Bang (巢元方), the author of 'Jey-Byung-Won-Hwu-Ron' (諸病源候論) collected aimost all of the Chi-Kung method, for curing the disease formed before soo (隋) period. From that fact, we supposed that Chi-Kung was utilized more widely in curing the disease. 6. 'So-Ju-Cheon-Hwa-Hu-Peob' (小周天火候法) was adopted as the best orthodox approach under the influence of Nae-Tan-Taoist (道敎內丹學派) in Song-Keum-Won (宋金元) periods, especially in the song dynasty, 'Pal-Dan-Geum' (八段錦) was appeared and assignment of six-Chi (六氣) for bowel and viscera in the 'Yook-Ja-Geul' (六字訣) was decided firmly, that is to say Lung-Si (肺-呬), Heart-Kha (心-呵), Spleen-Hoa (脾-呼), Liver-Hoe (肝-噓), Kidneychui (賢-吹), Three-Burner-shi (三焦-嘻). 7. In Myung-Cheong (明淸) periods, The general practitioner applied the principle of 'Byun-Jeng-Ron-Chi' (辨證論治) to the Chi-Kung field, and after Myeong dynasty the style of doing 'Yook-Ja-Gyel' (六字訣) was developed to the moving style. 8. Today, in china, the study on the Chi-Kung is being progressed constantly under the positive assistance of government, Chi-Kung-Hak (氣功學) has taking its place as a branch of study step by step. It is considered that the establishment of Chi-Kung-Hak Classroom (氣功學教室) and Medical Chi-Kung Center (氣功療法室) for special and systematic research are needed, at the same time the settlement of institutional system for training the Chi-Kung technician (氣功師) is also needed.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• 제52권6호
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• pp.618-627
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• 2019

본 연구에서는 2011년 중국국민건강영양조사 자료를 이용하여 20 ~ 64세 중국 성인이 섭취한 점심식사의 질을 가정식, 급식, 외식으로 구분하여 분석하였으며, 그 결과를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 총 대상자 3,708명 중 76.7%가 가정에서 점심식사를 하고 있었으며, 급식은 15.6%, 외식은 7.7%에 해당하였다. 가정식군은 여성이 남성보다 많았으나, 급식군과 외식군은 남성이 여성보다 많았다. 가정식군은 농촌 거주자가, 급식군과 외식군은 도시 거주자가 더 많았다. 둘째, 식품군별 섭취량을 분석한 결과, 곡류·서류·콩류와 생선류는 세 군 모두 권장섭취량 범위에 있었으나, 육류 섭취량은 세 군 모두 과다하였다. 특히 급식군과 외식군의 경우 권장섭취량의 2배 이상 섭취하고 있었다. 가정식군과 급식군의 채소류 섭취량은 권장섭취량 범위 내에 있었지만, 외식군은 20 g 이상 부족하였다. 과일류와 우유 및 유제품류 섭취량은 세 군 모두에서 매우 부족한 것으로 나타났다. 셋째, 다빈도 섭취 식품을 분석한 결과 전체적으로 섭취빈도가 가장 높은 식품은 쌀과 돼지고기였고, 가장 많이 섭취한 채소는 청경채와 배추였다. 외식군은 가정식군과 급식군에 비해 채소류로 섭취한 식품의 종류가 적었고 쇠고기의 섭취 빈도가 높았으며, 빵 및 면류 식품의 섭취빈도가 높았다. 넷째, 식품군 섭취패턴을 분석한 결과, '곡류+ 육류+ 채소류' 패턴이 55.5%로 가장 많았다. '곡류+ 육류+ 채소류' 패턴은 급식군에서 그 비율이 가장 높았고, 외식군에서 상대적으로 낮았다. 가정식군에서는 '곡류+ 채소류' 패턴이, 외식군에서는 '곡류+ 육류' 패턴의 비율이 상대적으로 높았다. 다섯째, 전체적으로 식품군점수는 5점 만점에 평균 2.4점, 식품섭취 가짓수는 평균 3.4개로 섭취한 식품의 다양성이 부족한 것으로 나타나 개선의 필요가 있었다. 급식군의 식품군점수와 식품섭취 가짓수가 가정식군이나 외식군보다 유의적으로 높았다. 본 연구결과를 종합해보면, 중국 성인의 점심 식사는 육류 섭취가 과다하며, 과일류와 우유 및 유제품류의 섭취가 매우 부족한 공통적인 문제점이 있었다. 가정식의 경우 식사의 다양성 측면에서 곡류, 육류, 채소류를 모두 섭취할 수 있도록 영양교육이 필요하며, 외식의 경우 육류의 섭취가 지나치게 많고 채소류 섭취가 부족하여 개선의 필요가 있다. 또한 급식은 외식이나 가정식보다 식품 다양성 측면에서 바람직한 것으로 나타났으나, 점심식사의 기본적인 구성요소라고 할 수 있는 곡류, 육류, 채소류를 모두 섭취한 비율이 2/3에도 미치지 못하고 있어 체계적인 급식 프로그램을 도입할 필요가 있다.

• 공연문화연구
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• 제32호
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• pp.701-738
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• 2016

거문고는 고구려에서 기원한 악기로 고구려 멸망 이후에도 선비등 지식층의 애호 악기가 되어 '백악지장(百樂之丈)'의 지위를 차지하게 되었다. 따라서 거문고의 우리 음악문화에서의 위치는 매우 중요하다 하겠는데, 이 악기의 기원이 외래의 와공후(臥??)라는 것을 넘어 고구려의 거문고 자체가 부정되고 와공후(臥??)만을 인정하려는 시도가 있었고 이에 대한 한국 학자들의 반대 의견이 제시되었다. 이와 관련하여 고구려의 거문과와 관련된 연구는 여러 학자들의 주요 관심사가 되었는데, 그 연구 주제는 주로 왕산악(王山岳)의 거문고 제작설을 인정하고, 고구려 고분벽화에 나타나는 거문고류 현악기의 정체를 밝히는 것에 집중되어 있었다. 결국 초기에 부정되던 거문고 와공후(臥??) 기원설은 임겸삼의 주장대로 고구려 거문고가 모두 부정되는 것이 아니고, 왕산악이 진(晉)의 와공후(臥??)를 개조하여 거문고를 만들었다는 와공후(臥??) 기원설을 인정하고 그 시기가 언제인가에 연구의 초점을 둔 연구들이 나타나기 시작했다. 이에 따라 고구려 고분벽화에 나타나는 여럿의 거문고류 현악기에 대한 연구가 발표되었는데, 그 내용은 조금씩 달랐다. 이들을 비교하고 고구려 고분벽화의 거문고류 악기를 다시 검토해본 결과 8개의 고구려 고분에 나타나는 10개의 고구려 거문고류 현악기는 단순히 금(琴), 쟁(箏), 축,(筑) 와공후(臥??), 거문고로 단정 짓기 쉽지 않았다. 조금씩 그 형태와 연주자세, 괘와 술대의 유무, 줄의 수 등의 차이가 있는 것은 고분벽화의 정밀 묘사의 부정확성을 떠나서, 악기의 본질적인 차이를 나타내는 것으로 보이고 또 그 내용이 다양하게 나타나므로, 그 명칭을 금(琴), 쟁(箏), 축(筑), 와공후(臥??), 거문고라기 보다는 금(琴)류, 쟁(箏)류, 축(筑)류, 와공후(臥??)류, 거문고류라 해야할 것으로 보았다. 이는 이들 악기와 고구려 고분벽화의 거문고류 악기가 완전히 일치하지 않는다는 점에서 연유된 생각인데, 이는 고구려에서 거문고가 정착되기 전에는 다양한 거문고류 현악기가 연주되었음을 의미한다고 보아야 할 것이다. 또 "삼국사기"의 왕산악(王山岳) 거문고 제적설에 너무 경도되어 있는 것도 문제로 보았는데, 그것은 고조선의 공무도하가(公無渡河歌), 즉 공후인(??引)에 등장하는 공후(??), 즉 와공후(臥??)를 고려한다면 "삼국사기"의 왕산악(王山岳) 거문고 제작설은 믿기 어려우며, 고구려보다 더 이전 시기부터 거문고류의 현악기를 연주해왔다고 보아야 할 것이다. 공무도하가와 비슷한 시기라 할 수 있는 기원전 3-4세기의 악기로 신강(新疆)지역에서 공후(??)가 발굴되었는데, 이 시기에는 이 지역이 중국에 속한 곳이 아니었다. 중국에서는 중국의 공후(??)는 외래 악기가 분명하고, 중국에 전래된 이후 금(琴), 슬(瑟), 쟁(箏) 등 악기의 영향으로 와공후(臥??)가 만들어진 것으로 보고 있으며, 그 시기는 위진(魏晉)시대의 고분에 괘가 있는 와공후(臥??)류 악기의 그림과 토용이 보이는 것으로 보아 빨라도 한대(漢代) 이후에 만들어진 것으로 추정된다. 즉, 중국에서는 아직 공후(??)가 전래되기 전에 이미 고조선에는 공후(??)가 있었다고 볼 수 있고, 그 전래 과정은 중국을 거치지 않았을 가능성도 배재할 수 없다. 또 와공후(臥??)가 외래의 세워 연주하는 하프류의 공후(??)를 뉘여 연주하는 악기로 개조한 중국의 악기로 주장하는 것도 부정할 수 있는 근거가 될 수 있다. 즉 중국에 와공후(臥??)가 생기기 이전 또는 그와 비슷한 시기에 이미 고조선에 와공후(臥??)가 있었다고 볼 수 있기 때문이다. 그렇다면 거문고의 기원이 된다는 와공후(臥??)의 발생지(發生地)는 혹시 고조선(古朝鮮)은 아닐까 조심스럽게 생각해볼 수 있겠다. 설혹 한(漢) 무제(武帝) 때 공후(??)(와공후(臥??))가 만들어 졌다는 설이 사실이고 이에 따라 뉘여타는 공후(??), 와공후(臥??)가 한대(漢代)에 만들어졌다는 것을 인정하더라도, "삼국사기"의 왕산악(王山岳) 거문고 제작이 진(晉)에서 전래된 와공후(臥??)를 개조한 것이라는 주장은 설득력이 없다. 고조선(古朝鮮)에 이미 와공후(臥??)로 추정되는 공후(??)가 있었으므로 고구려 사람들이 진(晉)에서 전래된 칠현금(七絃琴)(와공후(臥??)?)을 몰랐을리 없기 때문이다. 또 이 칠현금(七絃琴)이 중국 전통의 琴이라도 역시 마찬가지이다. 고조선과 고구려는 한(漢)의 문화와 교류가 많아서 한(漢)의 고취(鼓吹)가 고구려 고분 벽화에 나타나고 있으므로, 한(漢)의 금(琴) 역시 이미 수입되었을 것으로 추정할 수 있기 때문이다. 진(晉)에서 전래된 칠현금(七絃琴)이 금(琴)이더라도 고구려 사람들이 그 연주법을 몰랐다는 것은 이해하기 어렵다. 이와 관련하여 생각해보면 거문고를 굳이 진(晉)에서 전래된 칠현금(七絃琴)을 개조하여 만들었다는 것을 신뢰하기 어렵다. 앞에서 살핀 여러가지 상황으로 보아 고구려의 거문고는 금(琴)이든 와공후(臥??)든 중국에서 전래된 악기를 개조해서 만들었다기 보다는 고조선에서부터 내려오던 거문고류 현악기를 개량하여 만들었다고 이해하는 것이 타당할 것 같다. 다만 금(琴)이든 중국에서 만들어진 공후(??)든 혹은 쟁(箏) 슬(瑟) 축(筑) 등의 악기가 고구려에 전래되었다면 이들이 거문고 창제에 참조되었다고 이해하는 것이 좋을것 같다. 그러나 거문고 창제의 원형을 굳이 외래 악기에서 찾을 필요는 없을 것이다. 고구려 전래의 거문고류 현악기가 있었고 이를 토대로 외래의 현악기를 참조하여 거문고를 창제한 것으로 추정해 볼 수 있다는 것이다. 이와 관련하여서는 좀 더 많은 자료를 찾아 연구해야 확실하게 밝힐 수 있는 문제라 하겠으나, 적어도 "삼국사기"의 왕산악(王山岳) 거문고 제작설은 액면 그대로 받아들이기 보다는 새로운 관점에서의 고구려 거문고를 보는 시각을 갖춰야 할 것이다.