• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.39-67
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• 2018

The Korean welfare state has achieved remarkable development during the last two decades, but simultaneously we have witnessed growing prevalent social conflicts and exclusion in the society. This research argues that the source of current problems lies in the nature of the Korean welfare regime, so called, 'paternalistic liberalism'. The paternalistic liberalism has been formulated by the combination of legacies of the developmental state and neo-liberalism. Paternalism with the growth-oriented and employment-centered approach has been a significant factor to restrict individuals' freedom and happiness in the Korean welfare state. It has also been embedded in the Korean welfare state such as social insurance, workfare programs, and centralized social services. In this context, this research proposes social liberalism, pursuing real freedom for all, as a new paradigm for the Korean welfare state. Breaking from the old path, Freecurity, combining freedom and security, which is argued to be the upgraded version of flexicurity, is also newly proposed as the operating model of social liberalism.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.147
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• pp.29-58
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• 2018

The purpose of this article is to demonstrate that Hegel's philosophy of right is a dialectic critique of liberalism. The dialectical criticism in this article does not mean the formal logical denial, but a return to self by self-negation. Thus, if Hegel's philosophy of right is a dialectical critique of liberalism, Hegel's philosophy of right will be critical of liberalism and at the same time, it will not reject liberalism, but rather have aspects of liberalism. The criticism of liberalism implies that individual freedoms and rights can not be realized subjectively through individual free acts, but are realized intersubjectively through social mediums. And this is also found in controversies among modern liberalists because modern liberalism requires the government's role and institutional arrangements for the realization of individual freedoms and rights. We can find the aspects of liberalism in Hegel's philosophy of right since Hegel's ethical life entails ultimately the concrete realization and extension of individual freedom and rights.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.84
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• pp.5-32
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• 2009

It is becoming harder and harder to philosophically defend liberalism in general under the circumstances in which neoliberalism is presumed to be blamed for today's global economic crisis. I nonetheless believe that liberal democracy can be revitalized with the help not from outside but from inside, although this might make my paper 'untimely'. Philosophical reflection on market is indispensible to the project of radical liberalism. Philosophy of market first delves into the nature of market in Principle. Next, it stipulates upon the complex interrelationships between the market order and the democratic order. This inquiry will cast light on that both the standard pro-market theory and the anti-market theory in relation to democracy are one-sided. The project of radical liberalism can be further articulated with the introduction of the concept of 'the political'. In conclusion, radical liberalism is expounded as a plausible version of Contemporary Korean social philosophy with a universal connotation.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.27
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• pp.31-57
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• 2012

The 19th century could not relatively receive attention from local researchers because it was treated as the past cut off from the present as the formative period of modern states of Latin America. According to the characteristics of area studies which focus on changes of politics and society, studies on past affairs could not have been the main focus of attention. But as new liberalism has appeared in Latin America, is throwing the spotlight on liberalism. In addition, the studies on the 19th century have been activated and gradually expanded. And interpretation about the 19th century's history has been variously arranged. Especially, discussion on liberalism and conservatism was established as the key words which can understand and reconsider Latin America in the 19th century. Colombian liberalism which could not overcome heritage of the colonial period in the 19th century and did appear advocating reformation was another form of authoritarianism. Reformation promoted by liberalism was utilized to keep privilege of the ruling class, not to remove the social and economic structure derived from the colonial period. New reformist forces which advocated mercantilism after the middle of the 19th century but they were formed based on the existing system. Colombian Liberal Party was developed as "Another name of conservatization" by reflecting understanding of the conservatives. Colombian liberalists preferred federalism to cut off from repressive characteristics of Spanish colonial rule and secure autonomy of local control through reformation based on economic understanding. Therefore, discussion on the form of government which focused on federalism and centralism acted as the causes of conflict between Colombian liberalism and conservatism. Based on this point, this study tries to analyze liberalism reforms which is the main issue in the Colombian history in the 19th century and consider history of Colombian political conflicts focusing on federalism. The origin of Violencia which is the political violence and Colombian history in the 19th century which has been a series of rebellion can be considered through this procedure.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.327-357
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• 2023

Adopting the Tools of Liberalism and Clash of Civilizations theories of international relations, this study examines the perceptions of 25,406 Arabs in 11 Arab countries as expressed in an Arab Barometer survey exploring their perceptions of violence against the United States (US), American citizens as "good," President Donald Trump's foreign policy in the Middle East, increasing economic relations with the US, and welcoming American foreign aid. As aspects of the Clash of Civilizations theory, this study examines religiosity, religious ritual practices, and political Islam and, as aspects of liberalism, this study explores the roles of online media as well as perceptions about US foreign aid in the prediction of the criterion variables. The findings suggest that religious indicators, and aspects of the Clash of Civilizations generally, were negative predictors of the perceptions, while social media and motivations for US foreign aid as aspects of liberalism, positively predicted the perceptions. The study discusses the results in relation to implications for policy makers.

• 중국학논총
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• no.65
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• pp.193-213
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• 2020

Chen Du-xiu, a leading thinker and revolutionist in modern China, is the person who showed an ideological upheaval from liberalism to socialism. He called for personal freedom and the values of the individual, but when he came upon a national crisis and the Russian Revolution succeeded, he converted to socialism. In the process, he combined democracy with ethnicity to lay the foundation for Chinese social democracy. As one of representative thinkers of modern China, he changed his position for Chinese people and Chinese society, and it soon formed the basis of modern Chinese socialism, emphasizing the right to the survival of the people and people's democracy.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.50
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• pp.87-108
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• 2002

According to Neo-liberalism, the privatization of social security systems is pivotal for a country's economic growth and the wellbeing of its people, because such systems hinder the full operation of the market, eventually leading the national economy to collapse. The Chilean case of pension privatization is often cited as a good evidence for the Neo-liberal argument. Neo-liberalists say that Chile has experienced a rapid economic growth and retirees have enjoyed a much more pension payment since the national pension system was successfully privatized in 1981. The primary purpose of this article is to provide a critical review on the results of the Chilean pension privatization reform implemented in 1981. This study is intended to give an objective understanding of the reform because the existing evaluations, particularly those from the neo-liberalism, over-emphasize the bright sides of the reform. for this purpose, this article will pay a particular attention to the change in the level of pension payment after the reform. The conclusion of this study is that, contrary to the argument of Neo-liberalism, the pension reform has lowered the level of pension payment and, compared to the old public pension, has made the lives of ordinary retirees less secure. Reorganization of the social security system is more desirable than privatization as a remedy for the current problems of the welfare state.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.255-292
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• 2009

This thesis is to study on the prospect of contemporary and theory of contemporary Chinese Neo-liberalism philosopher in the 1990s. The previous Chinese liberalists focused only on political and cultural liberalism, neglecting economic liberalism. As a result, liberalism has not taken root in China. Therefore, the social problems of contemporary China are caused by immature and unregulated market economy controlled by the government, not by the market economy. On the other hand, the social relationship in China is not capitalistic yet. The Chinese need to take the gradual developing step to modernize China. China needs to begin an effort to reform China by the way and speed of the refolution, which lies between reform and revolution; not by making new value system, but by keeping daily ethics and rediscovering the Chinese value system, which is the same as universal ethnics. Moreover, it can solve the mental, cultural problems of modern society. Modernization will be achieved not by ruining the Chinese traditions, but by adjusting the traditions, keeping, and strengthening. Consequently, China will be able to move from agricultural absolutism to modern democracy. The democracy can exist only based on the market economy. Therefore, the goal will be accomplished by democracy based on the market economy starting from Confucian tradition.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.44
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• pp.117-145
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• 2001

This paper attempts to assess the impact and implication of globalization on social welfare in Korea. It is no easy task to give an exact definition of globalization and the concept has been used in many different senses, that is, economic, social, cultural, political globalization. In particular, the meaning of globalization is connected to the rise and expansion of neo-liberalism. Globalization tends to undermine national welfare systems by the social dumping, race to the bottom, privatization of social services, labor market flexibility. On the other hand, in many studies the negative impact of globalization on social welfare has been questioned. Instead of end or erosion of the welfare systems, it is emphasized that competitiveness and welfare may go hand in hand. We investigate the question what and how the social welfare system in Korea has been changed in globalization process. In order to answer, this paper examines the changes in welfare ideology, welfare programs, social stratification level after economic crisis. The result of analysis is that in contrast to globalist expectations which is to retrench social welfare, paradoxically, the welfare system in Korea has been reinforced in globalization process. Therefore, the alleged impact of globalization on social welfare will be independent on the structure of domestic institution, political legacies, and on the socialization of global politics such as IMF, World Bank, ILO, UNDP, etc., on the welfare politics of stakeholders in national state.

• Journal of Agricultural Extension & Community Development
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.47-55
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• 2019

The aim of this article is to critically explore the history, methods, characteristics and cause mechanism of Korean farmers' movement who resisted to market globalization from the perspective of social movement theory. I believe that the most influential elements of Korean farmers' movement are three structural elements; namely resentment, political opportunity structure, and media and discourse. Therefore, focusing on the three elements, I analyze the emergence and expansion of the Korean farmers' movement against market globalization from 1993 to 2008. And I analyze the roles of these three structural elements which played in farmers' social movement in South Korea. Particularly, this article analyses in perspective of market globalization and government trust crisis about the basic reason why Korean farmers' movement was so fierce in process of agricultural market globalization.