• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제14권12호
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• pp.818-834
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• 2014

본 연구의 목적은 미디어 환경과 자녀들의 미디어 사용에 대한 부모의 심성모형을 분석하여 제시하고 이를 토대로 교육적 시사점을 제공하는 것이다. 이 연구는 부모들의 미디어에 대한 현상적 인식이 아동의 미디어 사용을 중재하고 바른 사용을 지도하는 일에 중대한 영향을 미친다는 가정 위에 수행되었다. 이를 위하여 12명의 초등 2-4학년 연령대 아동을 키우는 부모들과의 인터뷰, 연상 단어 제시하기, 문장 완성하기의 세 가지 활동을 통하여 내러티브 자료가 수집되고 연구자 2인에 의해 질적으로 분석되었다. 그 결과, 먼저 미디어 환경에 대하여서는 소통과 단절, 공급과 역기능 등의 총 8개 심성모형 구성요소가 추출되었다. 아동의 미디어 사용에 대한 심성모형에서는 첫째, 부모들은 미디어에 유능함의 표상을 투영하지만 자신의 삶과는 괴리된 것으로 인식하고 있었다. 둘째, 부모들은 미디어에 대한 긍정적이고 부정적인 효과를 양면적으로 인식하고 이 중 부정적인 효과를 통제하고자 하는 이해를 드러냈다. 셋째, 디지털 미디어는 부모들에게 관계의 표상으로써 이해되고 있었다. 넷째, 미디어 사용과 관련한 소통의 방식이 다양하다는 것을 보여주었다. 마지막으로, 부모들이 미디어를 개인의 사용 영역일 뿐만 아니라 사회 체계의 일부분이라고 이해하고 있음을 보여주었다. 이러한 발견들을 토대로 미디어의 관점들(Meyrowitz, 1999)이 부모들의 심성모형에 다층적으로 반영되어 있다는 사실이 논의되었고 그 교육적 적용으로써 부모와 사회체계의 협력적 교육, 부모의 미디어 인식과 역량 강화, 커뮤니케이션의 순기능 활용 등이 제안되었다.

• 영어영문학
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• 제55권6호
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• pp.1163-1191
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• 2009

As many critics do, this article starts from the premise that Charles Waddell Chesnutt wrote The Conjure Woman with a distinct socio-ethical view to ameliorating white readers' racism. For this purpose of social activism, first, the author uses a racially submissive genre and narrator- antebellum plantation-dialect fiction and an old ex-slave Julius-in order to win the attention of white racists, who constituted the majority of the reading public of postbellum America. Chesnutt then allows this seemingly submissive ex-slave consecutively to wage narrative battles against a Northern white capitalist, John. This fiction's structure is thus based on interracial narrative conflict. Granted, the result of these narrative battles is Julius's defeat. Even though he sometimes has narrative success through his manipulation of either his white female auditor's sentimentalism or the white capitalist's racial prejudice, it does not lead to any fundamental change in the white audience members' awareness: John still regards Julius's tacitly reformoriented tales merely as nonsensical ghost stories invented by the absurd imagination of a subservient, entertaining, and exploitable black coachman. Admitting his defeat, Julius relinquishes his original goal of deterring John's capitalist exploitation of both racial Others and the natural environment of the South and finally decides to serve the economic power of white capitalism. This self-defeating conclusion, however, should not be identified with Chesnutt's failure as an author. Rather, it should be understood as an interim result of the black author's earnest experiment with literary media best suited to his reform project. In fact, this narrative failure reveals Chesnutt's accurate diagnosis of the postbellum literary world: a black voice is still feebly heard and even easily buried by the whites' capitalist ambition and consequently intensifying racism. Conclusively, Julius's narrative failure should be positively evaluated as Chesnutt's one step further in his gradual and lifelong progress to a narrative goopher effectively to engage whites' imagination and sympathy for a vision of equal interracial coexistence.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제35권
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• pp.181-210
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• 2006

본 연구는 식품 안전을 둘러싼 위험 상황을 보도하는 언론의 보도 프레임을 추출, 언론이 위험 상황을 위기의 사회 현실로 구축해가는 양상을 분석하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 이를 위해 1989년 삼양라면 우지파동에서 2005년 김치 기생충 알 검출 사건에 이르는 11개 식품안전 사고를 보도한 언론보도 내용을 대상으로 미디어 프레임을 분석, 각 프레임을 이루는 장치를 통해 언론이 위기를 구축해가는 양상을 추적했다. 분석에 사용된 프레임은 책임소재, 갈등, 인간적측면의 부각, 경제적 결과, 도덕성 등 다섯 가지 프레임이었으며, 연구 결과 이들 프레임에는 위기 확산, 책임 소재, 갈등 부각 등의 현저성이 두드러졌다. 특히 각 프레임을 구성하는 행위자는 가해자와 피해자라는 이분법적 대비 구조를 나타냈다. 기사에 등장하는 행위의 주체인 식품업자, 정부 및 해당관청, 소비자, 전문가 등은 이러한 갈등, 혹은 대비 구조의 프레임 안에서 때론 가해자로, 때로는 피해자로 틀짓기 되며 위험의 상황을 확산, 증폭 시키면서 소비자들의 혼란을 야기하고 위기의 사회현실을 구축하는 것으로 나타났다.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제16권
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• pp.168-206
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• 2001

This study attempts to examine the relationships between the major market-based media and the government after closing military regime era, 1961-1987. After the military regime was collapsed, while the mass media in Korea obtained independence and autonomy from government, they have been confronted with the terrible competition not so much comparatively as before. The watchdog role in the traditional liberalism, which is regarded as normative relationship between the media and the government would be transformed in accordance with the market condition and the maturity of democracy. Thus, the watchdog metaphor has been variously deviated in rower-centered society; lap dog, guard dog, attack dog. liberalists argue that the primary democratic role of the media is to art as a public watchdog overseeing the state. Social democrats, however, criticize them as simplistic conception which could be only applied to the government. They argue that the media should be seen as a source of redress against the abuse of all forms of power over others; the home, the economy, and the civil society. The lap dog view is that the media is overwhelmingly dependent on the established power structure contrary to the watchdog. While the guard dog perspective is a means to preserve the power structure alarming with playing 'conflict role', the attack do8 aims to the private interest of the media in intruding into the politics. The attack dog perspective by T. Patterson could be composed of the interpretive style of report, the game schema report over the policy schema in the election, and the negativism against politics and government. The market-dominant press has been likely to transform from lap-guard dog into attack-guard dog. In Roh Tae Woo government(1988-1992), while the press was a lessened lap-guard dog before three parties merger in 1990, after merger the press had been transformed as the reinforced lap-guard dog because this merger entailed joint, party-to-party negotiations, and the formation of the new party preceded by dissolution of the ruling blot. In the early stage of Kim Young Sam government(1993-1997), the press has kept in pace with the reform movement drive-forced by the government. However, the press withdrew the support of Kim's reform in reaching the level of threat to ruling bloc. The press coalesced only circumstantially with government and was interested in preserving some margin of independence. The failure of Kim's reform proved the political muscle of the press in post-autho-ritarianism. In the middle stage of Kim Dae Jung government (1998-) that resulted in the shift of power structure as once-opposition party leader, the stress has been a manifested attack-guard dog owing to the anti-cold war policy, the realignment policy of power, and the minority-base of Kim's government. The press has endeavored to hold political communication within limits relatively less threatening to the established order.

• Safety and Health at Work
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• 제13권1호
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• pp.104-111
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• 2022

Background: The IMPPAC cohort (Implications of the COVID-19 pandemic on psychosocial aspects and work ability among Brazilian workers) seeks to understand the impact of the pandemic on Brazilian workers. This article describes the occupational profile, psychosocial aspects, and work ability determined during the baseline and follow-up measurements of the cohort. Methods: Workers were invited to participate through media advertisements, social networks, and emails. From June to September 2020, 1211 workers were included in the cohort. Follow-up measurements finished on October 2021 with 633 workers. Data were collected through standardized questionnaires using Google Forms. Psychosocial aspects were assessed using the COPSOQ II-Br. Work ability was assessed using the Work Ability Index (WAI). Results: At baseline and follow-up, high proportion of workers were in the risk zone with regard to work pace, emotional work demands, influence on work, work-family conflict, burnout, and stress. Approximately 75% of the workers reported good to excellent work ability at baseline and follow-up. Conclusion: The occupational profile, psychosocial aspects, and work ability of Brazilian workers from the IMPPAC cohort were described. Psychosocial aspects and WAI were similar at baseline and follow-up.

• 한국의류학회지
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• 제45권2호
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• pp.285-304
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• 2021

Today, false news is increasing in volume, and fashion news often circulates uncritically. Therefore, an evaluation framework is needed to determine whether fashion news is accurate or good. In journalism, the judgment of good news is made through the criterion of news value factors. These factors are the criteria for assessing the likelihood of an event being reported in the news. Through the study of news value by various journalistic scholars, this study selected nine news value factors applicable to the value measurement of fashion news as the framework of analysis. Based on this, after analyzing the actual news on online fashion media, new characteristics and content were reconstructed for fashion news. As a result of the study, it was finally selected that the crucial factors were: expertise, social importance, timelessness, conflict, and negativity for measuring the value of fashion news. To assess the news value of fashion accurately, this study found that reconceptualized news values are needed, which are different from the news values of general journalism. The study is meaningful in that it explores elements and content for the development of a theoretical framework for the qualitative evaluation of fashion news.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제15권8호
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• pp.179-185
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• 2015

본 연구는 한국의 다문화 현실 속에서 미디어가 결혼이민자여성을 어떻게 재현하는지를 분석하는데 목적을 두고 있다. 특히, EBS 다큐멘터리 <다문화 고부 열전>을 분석하여 이 콘텐츠가 여행서사를 채택하여 며느리와 시어머니 간의 고부 갈등과 그 갈등의 해결 과정을 보여준다는 것을 밝혔다. 여행서사는 며느라의 고향으로 시어머니가 함께 여행함으로서 상호이해와 문화 다양성을 보여주는 듯 하지만, 이들이 처한 문제와 갈등이 여행으로 해결될 수 있는 '사소한' 개인들의 문제로 보이게 한다. 이러한 재현 방식을 통해 보여지는 이들의 삶은 '다큐멘터리'라는 장르의 특성상 수용자들이 '사실 그대로의 것'으로 받아들이게 한다. 즉, 이러한 재현은 이들이 처한 사회 구조적인 문제나 제도적 문제들이 은폐시킬 수 있으며, 이들의 갈등이 개인의 노력으로 해결 가능한 문제로 인식시킬 위험이 있다.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제25권
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• pp.135-162
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• 2004

본 논문은 과학보도에서 언론이 과학에 관련된 정보를 수집하고 구성하여 독자에게 제공하는 과정에서 한국 언론, 특히 신문들이 신문사들이 지향하고 있는 이념적 지형에 따라 유전자 연구에 대해 어떻게 현실을 구성하고 있는지를 신문 프레임 연구 방법은 통해 밝힌다. 특히, 한국 언론의 유전자 연구에 대한 현실 구성을 비판적인 시각에서 검토해 봄으로써 유전자 연구를 둘러싼 사회적 갈등 해결은 위한 대안을 모색한다. 분석결과, 배아복제 실험과 같은 유전자 연구의 윤리적, 경제적 이슈가 담긴 문제들에 대해서는 신문사들이 지향하는 이념적 지형에 따라 상이한 입장을 견지하고 있는 것으로 분석되었다. 또한, 유전자 연구에 대해 칼럼 집필자들 역시 다망한 입장들을 표명하고 있지만, 전반적으로는 신문사토의 이념적 지형에 부합되는 경향성을 보이는 프레임들을 사용하고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 본고는 분석결과를 토대로 한국신문은 유전자 연구의 법적, 윤리적 이슈들에 대한 사회적 합의점을 찾아내기 위해 공론장으로의 역할과 생명과학의 대중화 노력을 보다 적극적으로 담당해야한다는 점을 지적한다.

• 대한지리학회지
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• 제38권
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• pp.15-36
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• 1988

In this paper, I consider the development of methods in contemporary human geography in terms of a dialectical relation of action and structure, and try to draw a new horizon of method toward which geographical research and spatial theory would develop. The positivist geography which was dominent during 1960s has been faced both with serious internal reflections and strong external criticisms in the 1970s. The internal reflections that pointed out its ignorance of spatial behavior of decision-makers and its simplication of complex spatial relations have developed behavioural geography and systems-theoretical approach. Yet this kinds of alternatives have still standed on the positivist, geography, even though they have seemed to be more real and complicate than the previous one, The external criticisms that have argued against the positivist method as phenomenalism and instrumentalism suggest some alternatives: humanistic geography which emphasizes intention and action of human subject and meaning-understanding, and structuralist geography which stresses on social structure as a totality which would produce spatial phenomena, and a theoretical formulation. Human geography today can be characterized by a strain and conflict between these methods, and hence rezuires a synthetic integration between them. Philosophy and social theory in general are in the same in which theories of action and structural analysis have been complementary or conflict with each other. Human geography has fallen into a further problematic with the introduction of a method based on so-called political ecnomy. This method has been suggested not merely as analternative to the positivist geography, but also as a theoretical foundation for critical analysis of space. The political economy of space with has analyzed the capitalist space and tried to theorize its transformation may be seen either as following humanistic(or Hegelian) Marxism, such as represented in Lefebvre's work, or as following structuralist Marxism, such as developed in Castelles's or Harvey's work. The spatial theory following humanistic Marxism has argued for a dialectic relation between 'the spatial' and 'the social', and given more attention to practicing human agents than to explaining social structures. on the contray, that based on structuralist Marxism has argued for social structures producing spatial phenomena, and focused on theorising the totality of structures, Even though these two perspectives tend more recently to be convergent in a way that structuralist-Marxist. geographers relate the domain of economic and political structures with that of action in their studies of urban culture and experience under capitalism, the political ecnomy of space needs an integrated method with which one can overcome difficulties of orthhodox Marxism. Some novel works in philosophy and social theory have been developed since the end of 1970s which have oriented towards an integrated method relating a series of concepts of action and structure, and reconstructing historical materialism. They include Giddens's theory of structuration, foucault's geneological analysis of power-knowledge, and Habermas's theory of communicative action. Ther are, of course, some fundamental differences between these works. Giddens develops a theory which relates explicitly the domain of action and that of structure in terms of what he calls the 'duality of structure', and wants to bring time-space relations into the core of social theory. Foucault writes a history in which strategically intentional but nonsubjective power relations have emerged and operated by virtue of multiple forms of constrainst wihthin specific spaces, while refusing to elaborate any theory which would underlie a political rationalization. Habermas analyzes how the Western rationalization of ecnomic and political systems has colonized the lifeworld in which we communicate each other, and wants to formulate a new normative foundation for critical theory of society which highlights communicatie reason (without any consideration of spatial concepts). On the basis of the above consideration, this paper draws a new norizon of method in human geography and spatial theory, some essential ideas of which can be summarized as follows: (1) the concept of space especially in terms of its relation to sociery. Space is not an ontological entity whch is independent of society and has its own laws of constitution and transformation, but it can be produced and reproduced only by virtue of its relation to society. Yet space is not merlely a material product of society, but also a place and medium in and through which socety can be maintained or transformed.(2) the constitution of space in terms of the relation between action and structure. Spatial actors who are always knowledgeable under conditions of socio-spatial structure produce and reproduce their context of action, that is, structure; and spatial structures as results of human action enable as well as constrain it. Spatial actions can be distinguished between instrumental-strategicaction oriented to success and communicative action oriented to understanding, which (re)produce respectively two different spheres of spatial structure in different ways: the material structure of economic and political systems-space in an unknowledged and unitended way, and the symbolic structure of social and cultural life-space in an acknowledged and intended way. (3) the capitalist space in terms of its rationalization. The ideal development of space would balance the rationalizations of system space and life-space in a way that system space providers material conditions for the maintainance of the life-space, and the life-space for its further development. But the development of capitalist space in reality is paradoxical and hence crisis-ridden. The economic and poltical system-space, propelled with the steering media like money, and power, has outstriped the significance of communicative action, and colonized the life-space. That is, we no longer live in a space mediated communicative action, but one created for and by money and power. But no matter how seriously our everyday life-space has been monetalrized and bureaucratised, here lies nevertheless the practical potential which would rehabilitate the meaning of space, the meaning of our life on the Earth.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제16권
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• pp.36-70
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• 2001

The purpose of this study is to investigate women's radio talk program and evaluate its possibilities and limitation from the point of feminist perspective. The theoretical framework is based on feminist studies and text analysis of talk show. Existing studies regarding talk show are mainly focused on television. But radio talk show is one of general entertainment and it's influences on minorities are still significant. is the most representative women's radio talk program in Korea. It has been broadcasted over 10 years and very popular among Korean housewives. The audience of this program call themselves schoolfellow, and call the program 'school of women'. The media text of is mainly consisted of letters from women audiences, and they are selected by producers. So the text is made by both audiences and producers. The unique combination of this process produces complicated discourses which contain women's experiences in letters and station's considerations through safekeeping. The problems investigated in this study are as follows: First, What discourses are produced in this program? Second, Alternative possibilities can be seen in this program in feminist perspectives? Text analysis of 1week(2000.9.18-9.24) and interview with producers are accomplished to this purposes. In the text analysis, subject matters, inscribed women's position, values of the letters are revealed. Most of the subject matters are family affairs. Some are socially oriented but family and home are the predominant category of women's letters. And the position of women subject is defined in the domestic network. They are nameless but the mother, wife, daughter, daughter-in-law of other people. In value, family-oriented value and small happiness in everyday life are generally appeared. But these values are essentially coincide with the values of status quo. The answers of the conflict are not public but individualized. And acception the status quo is presented as the wisest decision, But ` has many implications in relation to women's sharing of their experience, and construction of imagined community in media. Women continuously interact each other revealing and discussing their experiences and sometimes their social practices are stirred through this media sphere. So we see the 'emotional union' among women are formed through radio. The limitation of this program is very apparent: it's patriarchic values, acception of status quo, and individualization of the women's problems. But in the same time we can read coexisting it's latent possibilities: the possibilities of women's public sphere. But it is completely alternative women's sphere in feminist perspectives. It renders women opportunities to participate public media and share with other women, and collaborate with their problem.