• Title/Summary/Keyword: Self-Protection

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Comparative Study of Security Services Industry Act and Police Assigned to Special Guard Act - Focused on special guards and police assigned to special guard duty - (경비업법과 청원경찰법의 비교 연구 특수경비원과 청원경찰을 중심으로)

  • Noh, Jin-keo;Lee, Young-ho;Choi, Kyung-cheol
    • Korean Security Journal
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    • no.57
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    • pp.177-203
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    • 2018
  • Police Assigned to Special Guard Act was legislated in 1962 to solve issues regarding the protection of various staple industrial installations, and in 2001, the Security Services Industry Act was revised to establish an effective security system for important national facilities. Thereby the Special Guards System was instituted. The current law has two parts, with the Police Assigned to Special Guard System and Special Guards System, and many scholars have actively discussed the appropriateness of the integration of both systems to solve problems caused by a bimodal system. However, in spite of these discussions taking place in the academic world, the idea of unification lost its power when the guarantee of status regulation was established for the police assigned to special guard. Strictly speaking, police assigned to special guard is a self-guard, and a special guard is a contractual guard. So, both of them have pros and cons. Thus, it would be desirable to give a legal, constitutional guarantee for both systems by strengthening each of them and making up for the weakness of each of them rather than trying to unify police assigned to special guard and special guard. To begin this process, we need to revise unreasonable legal provisions of Security Services Industry Act and Police Assigned to Special Guard Act as below. First, since the actual responsibilities of special guards and police assigned to special guard duty are the same, we need to make the facilities which they use equal. Second, legal provisions need to be revised so that a special guard may perform the duties of a police officer, according to the Act on the Performance of Duties by Police Officers, within the facility that needs to be secured in order to prevent any vacancy in the guarding of an important national facility. Third, disqualifications for the special guards need to be revised to be the same as the disqualifications for the police assigned to special guard duty. Fourth, it is reasonable to unify the training institution for special guards and for police assigned to special guard duty, and it should be the training institution for police. On-the-job education for a security guard needs to be altered to more than 4 hours every month just like the one for police assigned to special guard duty. Fifth, for a special guard, it is not right to limit the conditions in their using weapons to 'use of weapon or explosives' only. If one possesses 'dangerous objects such as weapon, deadly weapon, and so on' and resists, a special guard should be able to use their weapon against that person. Thus, this legal provision should be revised. Sixth, penalty, range of fines, and so on for police assigned to special guard duty need to be revised to be the same as the ones for a special guard. If we revise these legal provisions, we can correct the unreasonable parts of Security Services Industry Act and Police Assigned to Special Guard Act without unifying them. Through these revisions, special guards and police assigned to special guard duty may develop the civilian guard industry wholesomely under the law, and the civilians would have a wider range of options to choose from to receive high quality security service.

Parental Behavior Influence on the Onset and Severity of Anorexia Nervosa and Bulimia Nervosa (부모의 양육태도가 섭식장애의 발병과 심각도에 미치는 영향)

  • Lee, Jung Eun;Lee, Jung-Hyun;Jung, Young-Chul;Park, Jun Young;Kee, Namkoong;Park, Dong Wha;Kim, Kyung Ran
    • Korean Journal of Psychosomatic Medicine
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    • v.23 no.1
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    • pp.3-11
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    • 2015
  • Objectives:To determine the influence of parental behaviors on the onset and severity of eating disorders, this study compared aspects of perceived parental styles, according to eating disorder subtypes and age at onset in Korean women with eating disorders. Methods:One hundred and sixty-seven patients with eating disorders[Anorexia Nervosa (AN), N=49; Bulimia Nervosa(BN), N=118] were recruited for this study. Perceived parent behaviors were assessed with Parental Behavior Inventory(PBI) self-rating scale. The study subjects also completed the Eating Disorder Inventory -2 (EDI-2) to assess the severity of eating disorder symptoms. Results:In anorexia nervosa, early onset group(<16 years) reported low paternal affection and high paternal rational expression, low maternal interference than group with age at onset over 16 years. The severity of eating disorder symptoms was negatively associated with mother affection and rational expression in two subtypes of eating disorder(AN and BN). On stepwise regression analysis, paternal affection and maternal over-protection were associated with age of onset only in AN group and maternal affection was associated with the severity of symptoms in both groups of eating disorder. Conclusions:Considering the role of family function and perceived parental styles could help improve the management of eating disorders. These results emphasize the importance of fathers' role in the eating disorder on the age of onset, a relatively unexplored area of eating disorder research. Also, we investigated the importance of mothers' affection on the severity of symptoms.

Effects of Self-Made Bismuth Shield Installation on Entrance surface Dose Reduction during Endovascular Treatment of Cerebral Aneurysms (뇌동맥류 코일 색전술시 자체 제작한 Bismuth 차폐체 설치의 피부선량 감소 효과)

  • Kim, Jae-Seok;Kim, Young-Kil;Choi, Jae-Ho
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Radiology
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    • v.13 no.2
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    • pp.175-183
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    • 2019
  • Cerebral nervous system intervention has been reported frequently due to radiation exposure such as blistering of the skin, hair loss, and erythema due to prolonged procedures. By applying ergonomically manufactured Bismuth (atomic number 83; Bi) shield to endovascular treatment of cerebral aneurysms, we aimed to minimize radiation exposure of scalp and lens from medical radiation exposure. The measurement site was the posterior part of the head, bilateral temporal part, bilateral quadriceps part, nose part, and the measuring part was attached to the optically stimulated Luminescence dosimeter (OSLD) Before and after the use, the entrance surface dose was compared and analyzed. The average entrance surface dose of group A (unshield) was 92.44 mGy, and group B was measured at 67.55 mGy. The average decrease in Group B was 26.92% compared to Group A. The entrance surface dose mean of the occipital region was measured at 146.08 mGy B group at 103.23 mGy and decreased by an average of 29.32% in group B compared to group A. The average entrance surface dose of the bilateral temporal part was measured in group A at 101.90 mGy group B at 72.69 mGy and decreased by an average of 28.67% in group B compared to group A. The average entrance surface dose for bilateral quadriceps part was measured at 27.51 mGy group B at 21.39 mGy and averaged 22.26% less in group B than group A. It is believed that the use of bismuth shields will be an alternative to reducing radiation disturbance due to temporary hair loss and other stochastic effects that may occur after the endovascular treatment of cerebral aneurysms procedure.

An Exploratory Study on Female Caregivers' Experiences of Aggression by Older Residents in Nursing Homes (노인요양시설 입소노인에 의한 여성요양보호사의 폭력 경험에 대한 탐색적 연구)

  • Yoo, Seong Ho;Kim, Bo Kyung;Moon, Yu Jin;Shim, Il Kwang;Cho, Hee Ju
    • 한국노년학
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    • v.36 no.4
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    • pp.1037-1058
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    • 2016
  • This study aims to investigate the female caregivers'experiences of aggression by nursing home residents, and to identify the policy strategies for violence prevention referred by the female caregivers. A total of 121 female caregivers with more than 6 months of working experiences had participated in this study. Of these, 56.2% had experienced verbal aggression, 51.2% physical aggression, and 27.3% sexual aggression, which reveals that client violence toward caregivers in nursing homes was at an alarming level. Although, physical and verbal violences were mostly caused unintentionally, about a half of the sexual aggression were caused deliberately. Aggression occurred the most when caregivers were providing the following services: changing the diapers or clothes, giving a bath, and serving meals. It was found that 'hitting' was the most common form of physical aggression and it was 'swearing' and 'touching or physical contacting' in the case of verbal and sexual aggression, respectively. Though there was a difference depending on the type of aggression, the most frequent reactions against client violence were to start a conversation or calm down the nursing home residents, and to leave the scene or ignore the incident. This means that the caregivers are coping very passively through resolving the aggressions by themselves, or overlooking the situation. The most frequently recommended strategy to prevent resident aggression was to provide educational programs on violence prevention to nursing home residents and caregivers(42.7%). Compared to the previous studies, this study indicates some differentiated strategies to prevent violence in nursing homes, which include hiring male caregivers, assuring directors to pay closer attention toward caregivers, using refined language between caregivers and residents, and keeping caregivers to wear appropriate clothes. Based on the study results, some policy recommendations on the prevention of client violence in nursing homes were suggested.

The crossing the border into Liadong by Mangong and Jeokhyu, the high priests in the early Joseon Dynasty, and the rebuilding of the Chinese, Buddhist temples (조선초 고승 만공(滿空)과 적휴(適休)의 요동(遼東) 월경(越境)과 중국사찰 중창)

  • Hwang, In-Gyu
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.70
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    • pp.407-434
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    • 2018
  • This study took a look at the crossing the border into Liadong in the early Joseon Dynasty, which has nearly not been paid attention to in the history of the Buddhism in Korea, and the Chinese, Buddhist whereabouts of Monk Mangong and Jeokhyu, the periodical, Buddhist priests. Regarding the large-scale, Buddhist oppression measures of King Taejong in the beginning of the Joseon Dynasty and King Sejong, the Buddhist circle did not not respond helplessly, but, rather, it had made the resistance on its own way. Especially, the Naonghyegeum of Jogyeseonjong and the disciple affiliates of Taegobowu had stood out. The disciples of Bowu had mainly hit the Sinmungo or had advocated the self-purification of Buddhism. And the disciple affiliates of Naong either had reorganized the Buddhist circle with Muhak in the center or had opposed the suppression. And, by receiving the help of the Emperor of the Ming Dynasty, they had intended to protect the Buddhist circle, or they, also, crossed the border into Liadong. Although, while attempting the crossing the border into another territory, they were arrested like the sea ships, like Mangong of King Taejong and Jeokhyu of King Sejong, they succeeded in crossing the border into another territory, and they left the clear whereabouts in the Chinese, Buddhist circle. Mangong was one Buddhist monk among the 11 Buddhist monks who crossed the border into Liadong during the King Taejong. After crossing the border, Mangong had moved again from Beijing on a sea route and had settled for after going into a mountain in the Zen sect at the Tienchieh temple in Nanjing. Meanwhile, he had been close to the Joseon Dynasty, and he relocated to Mount Taishan, where there had been the history, thereby rebuilding the Chikurin Temple and the Buchauchan temple and widely publicizing the Buddhism. During the time of King Sejong, by crossing the border into Liadong together with a total of 10 Monks, including the Buddhist monks Shinnae, Shinhyu, Shindam, Hyeseon, Hongjeok, Haebi, Shinyeon, Honghye, Shinwun, etc., under the protection by the Emperor of the Ming Dynasty in Beijing, Jeokhyu went through Shanhaiguan and had moved to the Tienchieh Temple in Nanjing. Although their whereabouts can not be known, on the Guji Mountain in Beijing, Jeokhyu founded the Banyaseonsa Temple nearby the Ryeongamseonsa Temple, where the clergy and the laity of the Goryeo Dynasty had resided and, especially, where Naong and the disciples of Muhak etc. had stayed. As such, the Buddhist monks in the beginning of the Joseon Dynasty had either resisted the suppression by the country or crossed the border into another territory. Mangong and Jeokhyu of the times of King Taejong and King Sejong had led the Chinese, Buddhism circle, had rebuilt the Buddhist temples, and had contributed to the development of the Chinese Buddhism.

The Fiduciary Duties of Doctor in Clinical Trials (임상시험에서 의사의 선량한 관리자의 주의의무)

  • Lee, Jiyoun
    • The Korean Society of Law and Medicine
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    • v.21 no.2
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    • pp.163-207
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    • 2020
  • Korea has been positioned as the leading country in the industry of clinical trials as the clinical trail of Korea has developed for the recent 10 years. Clinical trial has plays a significant role in the development of medicine and the increase of curability. However, it has inevitable risk as the purpose of the clinical trial is to prove the safety and effectiveness of new drugs. Therefore, the clinical trial should be controlled properly to protect the health of the subjects of clinical trial and to ensure that they exercise a right of self-determination. In this context, the fiduciary duties of doctors who conduct clinical trials is especially important. The Pharmaceutical Affairs Act and the relevant regulations define several duties of doctors who conduct clinical trials. In particular, the duty to protection of subjects and the duty to provide information constitute the main fiduciary duties to the subjects. Those are essentially similar to the fiduciary duties of doctors in usual treatment from the perspective of the values promoted by the law and the content of the law. Nonetheless, clinical trials put more emphasis on the duties to provide explanation than in usual treatment. Further research and study are required to establish the concrete standard for the duty of care. However, if the blind pursuit of higher standards for the duty of care or to pass the burden of proof to doctors may result in disrupting the development of clinical trials, limiting the accessibility of patients to new treatment and even violating the principle of sharing damage equally and properly. In addition to these duties, the laws of clinical trials define several duties of doctors. Any decision on whether the violation of the law constitutes the violation of the fiduciary duty and justifies the demand for compensation of damages should be based on whether relevant law aims to protect the safety and benefit of subjects, even if in an incidental way, the degree to which such violation breaches the values promoted by the law and the concrete of violation of benefit of law, the detailed acts of such violation. The legal interests of the subjects can be protected effectively by guaranteeing compliance with those duties and establishing judicial and administrative controls to ensure that the benefit of subjects are protected properly in individual cases.

Comparative analysis of status of safety accidents and importance-performance analysis (IPA) about precautions of safety accidents by employment type of industry foodservices in Jeonbuk area (전북지역 산업체급식소 조리종사자의 고용형태에 따른 안전사고 실태 및 안전사고 예방관리에 대한 중요도와 수행도 분석)

  • So, Hee;Rho, Jeong Ok
    • Journal of Nutrition and Health
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    • v.50 no.4
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    • pp.402-414
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    • 2017
  • Purpose: The purpose of the study was to evaluate the status of safety accidents and importance-performance analysis (IPA) between regular and non-regular employees in industry foodservices. Methods: The participants were regular employees (n = 119) and non-regular employees (n = 163) in industry foodservices in the Jeonbuk area. Demographic characteristics, status of safety accidents, safety education, and importance and performance status were assessed using a self-administered questionnaire. Results: Approximately 66.4% of regular employees and 53.4% of non-regular employees experienced safety accidents (p < 0.05). Types of safety accidents of regular and non-regular employees were mostly burns, and causes were mostly from their own negligence. Approximately 98.3% of regular employees and 95.1% of non-regular employees experienced safety education. Approximately 88.9% of regular employees and 96.8% of non-regular employees received safety education from dietitians. Approximately 41.9% of regular employees and 50.0% of non-regular employees had difficulty applying the contents of safety education due to lack of time during work. As a result of IPA, regular and non-regular employees were aware of the importance of the following and performed them well: 'Clean the floor of the work place', 'Arrange in the work area', 'Wear safety shoes', 'Check for heater cord', and 'Safety cooking when using oil'. On the other hand, they were not aware of the importance of the following and performed them insufficiently: 'Check for the MSDS', 'Aware of chemical signs', 'Wear protection gloves etc.', 'Do stretching exercise', and 'Using ancillary tools'. Conclusion: Therefore, it is necessary to improve the consciousness of dietitians for effective application of safety education contents, development of contents, especially MSDS, and related things.

A study on the improvement of distribution system by overseas agricultural investment (해외농업투자에 따른 유통체계 개선방안에 관한 연구)

  • Sun, Il-Suck;Lee, Dong-Ok
    • Journal of Distribution Science
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    • v.8 no.3
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    • pp.17-26
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    • 2010
  • Recently concerns have been raised due to the unbalanced supply of crops: the price of crops has been unstable and at one point the price went up so high that the word Agflation(agriculture+ inflation) was coined. Korea, in particular, is a small-sized country and needs to secure the stable supply of crops by investing in the produce importation at a national level. Investment in foreign produce importation is becoming more important as a measure for sufficient supply of crops, limited supply of domestic crops, weakened farming conditions worldwide, as well as recent changes in the use of crops due to the development of bio-fuels, influence of carbon emission on crops, the price increase in crops, and influx of foreign hot money. However, there are many problems with investing in foreign produce importation: lack of support from the government; lack of farming information and technology; difficulty in securing the capital; no immediate pay-off from the investment and insufficient management. Although foreign produce is originally more price-competitive than domestic produce, it loses its competiveness in the process of importation (due to high tariffs) and poor distribution system, which makes it difficult to sell in Korea. Therefore, investment in foreign produce importation is being questioned for feasibility; to make it possible, foreign produce must maintain the price-competitiveness. Especially, harvest of agricultural products depends on natural and geographical conditions of each country and those products have indigenous properties, so distribution system according to import and export of agricultural products should be treated more carefully than that of other industries. Distribution costs are differentiated into each item and include cost of sorting and wrapping, cost of wrapping materials, cost of domestic transport, cost of international transport and cost of clearing customs for import and export. So transporting and storing agricultural products generates considerable costs compared with other products. Also, due to upgrade of dietary life, needs for stability, taste and visible quality toward food including agricultural products are being raised and wrong way of storage causes decomposition of food and loss of freshness, making the storage more difficult than that in room temperature, so storage and transport in distribution of agricultural products needs specialty. In addition, because lack of specialty in distribution and circulation such as storage and wrapping does not solve limit factors in distance, the distribution and circulation has been limited to a form of import and export within short-distant region. Therefore, need for distribution out-sourcing which can satisfy specialty in managing distribution and circulation and it is needed to establish more effective distribution system. However, existing distribution system of agricultural products is exposed to various problems including problems in distribution channel, making distribution and strategy for distribution and those problems are as follows. First, in case of investment in overseas agricultural industry, stable supply of the products is difficult because areas of production are dispersed widely and influenced by outer factors due to including overseas distribution channels. Also, at the aspect of quality, standardization of products is difficult, distribution system is quite complicated and unreasonable due to long distribution channels according to international trade and financial and institutional support is not enough. Especially, there are quite a lot of ineffective factors including multi level distribution process, dramatic gap between production cost and customer's cost, lack of physical distribution facilities and difficulties in storage and transport due to lack of wrapping containers. Besides, because import and export of agricultural products has been manages under the company's own distribution according to transaction contract between manufacturers and exporting company, efficiency is low due to excessive investment in fixed costs and lack of specialty in dealing with agricultural products causes fall of value of products, showing the limit to lose price-competitiveness. Especially, because lack of specialty in distribution and circulation such as storage and wrapping does not solve limit factors in distance, the distribution and circulation has been limited to a form of import and export within short-distant region. Therefore, need for distribution out-sourcing which can satisfy specialty in managing distribution and circulation and it is needed to establish more effective distribution system. Second, among tangible and intangible services which promote the efficiency of the whole distribution, a function building distribution environment which includes distribution information, system for standard and inspection, distribution finance, system for diversification of risks, education and training, distribution administration and tax system is wanted. In general, such a function building distribution environment is difficult to be changed and supplement innovatively because its effect compared with investment does not appear immediately despite of its necessity. Especially, in case of distribution of agricultural products, as a function of collecting and distributing is performed individually through various channels, the importance of distribution information and standardization is getting more focus due to the problem of repetition of work and lack of specialty. Also, efficient management of distribution is quite difficult due to lack of professionals in distribution, so support to professional education is needed. Third, though effort to keep self-sufficiency ratio of staple food, rice is regarded as important at the government level, level of dependency on overseas of others crops is high. Therefore, plan for stable securing food resources aside from staple food is also necessary. Especially, governmental organizations of agricultural products distribution in Korea are production-centered and have unreasonable structure whose function at the aspect of distribution and consumption is quite insufficient. And development of new distribution channels which can deal with changes in distribution environment and they do not achieve actual results of strategy for distribution due to non-positive strategy for price distribution. That is, it implies the possibility that base for supply will become vulnerable because it does not mediate appropriate interests on total distribution channels such as manufacturers, wholesale dealers and vendors by emphasizing consumer protection excessively in the distribution of agricultural products. Therefore, this study examined fundamental concept and actual situation for our investment to overseas agriculture, drew necessities, considerations, problems, etc. of overseas agricultural investment and suggested improvements at the level of distribution for price competitiveness of agricultural products cultivated in overseas under five aspects; government's indirect support, distribution's modernization and distribution information function's strengthening, government's political support for distribution facility, transportation route, load and unloading works' improvement, price competitiveness' securing, professional manpower's cultivation by education and training, etc. Here are some suggestions for foreign produce importation. First, the government should conduct a survey on the current distribution channels and analyze the situation to establish a measure for long-term development plans. By providing each agricultural area with a guideline for planning appropriate production of crops, the government can help farmers be ready for importation, and prevent them from producing same crops all at the same time. Government can sign an MOU with the foreign government and promote the importation so that the development of agricultural resources can be stable and steady. Second, the government can establish a strategy for an effective distribution system by providing farmers and agriculture-related workers with the distribution information such as price, production, demand, market structure and location, feature of each crop, and etc. In order for such distribution system to become feasible, the government needs to reconstruct the current distribution system, designate a public organization for providing distribution information and set the criteria for level of produce quality, trade units, and package units. Third, the government should provide financial support and a policy to seek an efficient distribution channel for foreign produce to be delivered fresh: the government should expand distribution facilities (for selecting, packaging, storing, and processing) and transportation vehicles while modernizing old facilities. There should be another policy to improve the efficiency of unloading, and to lower the cost of distribution. Fourth, it is necessary to enact a new law covering exceptional cases for importing produce in order to maintain the price competitiveness; currently the high tariffs is keeping the imported produce from being distributed domestically. However, the new adjustment should be made carefully within the WTO regulations since it can create a problem from giving preferential tariffs. The government can also simplify the distribution channels in order to reduce the cost in the distribution process. Fifth, the government should educate distributors to raise the efficiency and to modernize the distribution system. It is necessary to develop human resources by educating people regarding the foreign agricultural environment, the produce quality, management skills, and by introducing some successful cases in advanced countries.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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