• Restorative Dentistry and Endodontics
• /
• v.31 no.3
• /
• pp.192-202
• /
• 2006

The purpose of this study was to examine the viability of PDL cells in rat molars by using in vivo MTT assay, which was used to compare fast cryopreservation group by liquid nitrogen $(-196^{\circ}C)\;with\;4^{\circ}C$ cold preservation group. A total of 74 Sprague-Dawley white female rats of 4 week-old with a body weight of 100 grams were used. The maxillary left and right, first and second molars were extracted as atraumatically as possible under ketamine anesthesia. Ten teeth of each group were divided as six experimental groups depending upon the preservation. Cryopreservation groups were Group 1 (5% DMSO 6% HES in F medium) Group 2 (10% DMSO in F medium), Group 3 (5% DMSO 6% HES in $Viaspan^(R)$). Group 4 (10% DMSO in $Viaspan^(R)$) which were cryopreserved for 1 week and cold preservation groups were Group 5 (F medium) , Group 6 ($Viaspan^(R)$) at $4^{\circ}C$ for 1 week. Immediate extraction group was used as a control. After preservation and thawing, the in vivo MTT assay was processed. Two way ANOVA and Duncan's Multiple Range Test was performed at the 95 % level of confidence, Another 2 teeth of each group were treated as the same manner and frozen sections $10{\mu}m$ thick for microscopic observation. The value of optical density obtained after in vivo MTT analysis was divided by the value of eosin staining for tissue volume standardization. Group 1, 2 had significantly higher optical density than Group 3 and 4 which had the lowest OD value. Group 6 had higher OD value than in Group 5 (P<0.05). Histological findings of periodontal ligament cell, after being stained with MTT solution were consistent with the in vivo MTT assay results. In this study, the groups which were frozen with DMSO as a cryoprotectant and the groups with F medium showed the best results.

• Proceedings of the KOR-BRONCHOESO Conference
• /
• 1976.06a
• /
• pp.87.4-88
• /
• 1976

The statistcal study was done on 81 cases of the foreign bodies in the food passages (73 cases) and air passages (8 cases), who had visited the Dept. of Otolaryngology of Kyung Hee Medical Center and treated endoscopically, from Nov. 1971 to Mar 1976. The results were as follows, 1) The incidence of esophageal foreign bodies (73 cases) in order of frequency was coin (61 cases; 83.6%), bone (6 cases; 8.2%), food particles (3 cases; 4.1%), discs (2 cases), and other metals (l case). The incidence of foreign bodies in the air passages (8 cases) was food particles (3 cases; 37.5%), pointed metal (2 cases; 25%), plastic pencil cap (l case), plastic ring (1 case), and wood piece (1 case) in order. 2) In sex distribution, 51 cases (62.9%) were males and 30 cases (37.1%) were females, and the ratio between males and females was about 1.7 : 1.3. In the age incidence, 69 cases (82.5%) of all foreign bodies were under 5 years of age, and especially, coin cases were 59 cases (96.7%) and the highest was 8 years of age, lowest was 11 months of age. 7 cases (87.5%) of all airway foreign bodies were under 10 years of age. 4) The ratio between the food passages(73 cases) and the air passages (8 cases) was about 9 : 1. In the location of the foreign bodies of the food passages, 66 cases (90.4%) were in the first esophageal narrowing, 5 cases (6.9%) in the second narrowing, and 2 cases (2.7%) in the third narrowing. In the air passages, the frequent sites were trachea (5 cases; 62.5%), larynx (2 cases), and bronchus (1 case) in order. 5) In duration of lodgement, 63 cases (86. 3%) of esophageal foreign bodies were removed within 24 hours, and one case was removed within 16 days. The number of cases lodged within 24 hours were 4 cases (50%). in the air passages and one case was removed within 18 days. 6) In treatment, 37 cases (50.7%) of esophageal foreign bodies were extracted by modified upper esophagoscopy, 33 cases (42.5%) by esophagoscopy under the local anesthesia, 3 cases (4.1%) by esophagoscopy under the general anesthesia. 8 cases of the coin cases were passed into the stomach during the endoscopic examination. Laryngeal foreign bodies (2 cases; 25%) were extracted by laryngoscopy under the local anesthesia. 2 cases (40%) of tracheal foreign bodies by Bronchoscopy with tracheotomy under the local anesthesia, 3 cases (60%) by Bronchoscopy under the general anesthesia, and bronchial foreign body (1 case) by open thoracotomy under the general anesthesia, at the Dept. of Chest surgery.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
• /
• v.50
• /
• pp.31-51
• /
• 2018

The concept of 'monsters' have become popular, again, in recent times. A number of 'monster narratives' that discuss monsters such as zombies, humanoids, viruses, extraterrestrials, and serial killers have been made and re-made in popular media. Noting such an interesting cultural context, this article attempts, first, to find out some essential prototypical elements of a monster narrative and, second, to relate it with a catastrophic narrative. Correspondingly, the word 'monster' has been used as a conceptual prototype category that denies universal and clear definition, which makes it as one of the most widely used and familiar subjects of the use of metaphor. The prototypical meanings of various monster figures can be converged on a certain creature of being in this way held out as bizarre, curious, and abnormal. The monster figure that surpasses existing normality is also connected to 'abjection,' such as something that is cast aside from the body such as the bodily functions seen in its associated blood, tears, vomit, excrement, or semen, and so on. Nevertheless, both the monster figure and abjection produce disgust and horror in the minds of ordinary spectators or readers of media using this metaphor to heighten excitement for the viewers. The abject characteristic of the monster figure also has something in common with the posthuman figure, meaning to apply to a category of inhuman others who are held outside of the normal category of human beings. In the similar vein, it is natural that the most typical monster figures in our times are posthuman creatures embodied in such forms as seen with zombies, humanoids, cyborgs, robots, and so on. In short, the monster figure includes all of the creatures and beings that disarray normalized humanist categories and values. The monster narrative, in the same sense, is a type of story that tells about others outside modern, anthropocentric, male-centered, and Westernized categories of thought. It can be argued that a catastrophic narrative, a literary genre which depicts the world where a series of catastrophic events demolish the existing human civilization, ought to be seen as a typical modern-day monster narrative, because it also discounts and criticizes normalized humanist categories and values as is the result of the monster narrative. Going beyond the prevailing humanist realist narrative that are so familiar with existing values, the catastrophic narrative is not only a monster narrative per se, but also a monstrous narrative which disrupts and reinvents currently mainstream narratives and ways of thinking.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.37
• /
• pp.5-31
• /
• 2018

The mask dance drama Goseong Ogwangdae's first act, Mundung Bukchum. The story is about a man who was born to the upper class but contracted leprosy, an incurable disease, due to his ancestors' accumulated sin. Although he is suffering, he is able to triumph over the disease through sinmyeong (catharsis) that is expressed through the wordless act of Mundung Bukchum. This thesis focuses on Goseong Ogwangdae's Mundung Bukchum, particularly the meaning, costume, accompanying music, and process of pedagogical transmission. The chronological characteristics of Goseong Ogwangdae's Mundung Bukchum are as follows. First, as time goes on, the number of dance motions in Mundung Bukchum has increased and the motions used have become reified. Second, I address the small barrel drum used in Mundung Bukchum and check how, through the drum, the changed expression of Mundung is shown.In a 1965 video introduced Mundung is grasping the drum and stick and the dance appears to be made up only of humorous motions. Also in a 1969 video, "Mundung Gwangdae," from the start Mundung is grasping the drum and stick. In 1988 in a video we can see the same scene as today, with the drum and stick sitting in the center of the stage at the start of the dance. We can also confirm that the same fourteen dance motions used today are present. Third, we can also confirm the changes in Goseong Ogwangdae's signature motion, baegimsae as time goes on. Observing the video from 1965, baegimsae does not appear in Mundung Bukchum. In 2000 we can clearly see the baegimsae performed once to the left and to the right while Mundung is squatting. Comparing 1969 to 1988, there is no symmetry in the motions, baegimsae is not done to both left and right, but only in one direction. Watching the record from 2000, the baegimsae motion is performed just as it is now, with the body thrown forward with a sharp push off the ground. Fourth I confirmed how the music used to accompany Goseong Ogwangdae's Mundung Bukchum has changed over time. In 1965 according to records of Mundung Bukchum's appearance, the dance was accompanied by the taryeong rhythmic pattern played on the usual four percussion instruments (barrel drum, hourglass drum, large gong, small gong). In the 1969 records of Mundung Bukchum the accompanying music is gutgeori rhythmic pattern performed on the usual four percussion instruments-an obvious difference. In 1988 the music with Mundung Bukchum is gutgeori rhythmic pattern transitioning into jajinmori rhythmic pattern. In 2000 the music with Mundung Bukchum includes the percussion instruments as well as taepyeongso (double reed oboe) playing gutgeori and jajinmori rhythmic patterns.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.21
• /
• pp.247-281
• /
• 2009

Local governments in Korea, sixteen in total, shall establish local government archives to and manage preserve their permanent archives to comply with the Public Records Management Act amended in October 2006. National Archives of Korea(NAK) directed the local governments to recruit legally qualified archivists by the end 0f 2006 and to plan on the establishment and operation of the local government archives by the end 2007. However, none of the government archives was established by far. Government officials in NAK and the local governments raised the limits of the budget and human resources. What is more serious is that they don't concern why the archives are necessary and what missions and functions the archives should have. In this paper, I summarized the present situation and problems in establishing the local archives, and what we will do to establish normal government archives. First, local governments should establish "local government records commissions" and employ qualified archivists. The local government records commission should comprise concerned and qualified members. The records commission, as a policy and decision-making body, should make plans and implement the plans to establish the local archives, establish professional training programs to produce qualified archivists, promote local archives community activities, determine operational issues, and make a long-term development plan satisfying local demands. Second, the local government archives share existing repositories of NAK. Third, after the establishment of the archives, the local archives should perform normal records and archives management of the local governments as records acts mandate, do general records surveys and appraise the records created in the local governments. The local government archives should collect valuable local archives including private archives, and arrange and make usable them to provide access. They also promote and coordinate various cultural heritage community activities related to the local archives.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.47 no.2
• /
• pp.114-131
• /
• 2014

The Portrait of Yang Zhuxi(楊竹西小像) at the Palace Museum in Beijing holds important significance as one of the rare portraits from Yuan Period and as a painting with a definite year of creation in 1363. It is also noteworthy in that it is the only remaining work of Wang Yi(王繹), who was one of the critical portrait painters during the second half of Yuan Period and the author of Xiexiang Mijue(寫像秘訣), the first book on the portrait theories, that it was created in conjunction with Ni Zan(倪瓚), one of the utmost landscape painters of the times, and that it was an early case of landscape and figure painting-format portraits. The figure in Portrait of Yang Zhuxi was originally known as Yang Wu(楊瑀), a high official during Yuan Period, but it was a misunderstanding on the part of Li Rihua(李日華), a literary figure from Ming Dynasty. The actual model was Yang Qian(楊謙), a reclusive literary figure in the Songjiang(松江) region. Yang Qian is estimated as one of the central figures with a high reputation in the literary community of Jiangnan those days. Portrait of Yang Zhuxi was depicted by borrowing the icon of such hermits as Su Shih(蘇軾), which seems like a proper choice to express Yang Zhuxi, a reclusive literary figure. Furthermore, the rocks and pine trees described by Ni Zan reinforced the significance of the portrait through their traditional symbolism of man of virtue and man of letters, respectively. Portrait of Yang Zhuxi used the Baimiao Manner(白描法), thus being differentiated from other portraits from the same period. Even though there is no coloring in the painting, it boasts more excellent realism than colored portraits. It expressed the body with the graceful and controlled Li Gonglin(李公麟) and Zhao Mengfu(趙孟?) style Baimiao Manner, raising its dignity further. In terms of functions, Portrait of Yang Zhuxi is strongly characterized by the appreciative function unlike other portraits focused on the ceremonial function. Being created to be viewed and appreciated by the model himself and his friends, the portrait was very significant to promote their friendship. However, there was a great intention to reflect the emotions of the model himself and his friends in the painting beyond the simple appreciation level.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
• /
• v.25 no.2
• /
• pp.99-122
• /
• 2019

According to the recent IDC (International Data Corporation) report, as from 2025, the total volume of data is estimated to reach ten times higher than that of 2016, corresponding to 163 zettabytes. then the main body of generating information is moving more toward corporations than consumers. So-called "the wave of Big-data" is arriving, and the following aftermath affects entire industries and firms, respectively and collectively. Therefore, effective management of vast amounts of data is more important than ever in terms of the firm. However, there have been no previous studies that measure the effects of big data investment, even though there are number of previous studies that quantitatively the effects of IT investment. Therefore, we quantitatively analyze the Big-data investment effects, which assists firm's investment decision making. This study applied the Event Study Methodology, which is based on the efficient market hypothesis as the theoretical basis, to measure the effect of the big data investment of firms on the response of market investors. In addition, five sub-variables were set to analyze this effect in more depth: the contents are firm size classification, industry classification (finance and ICT), investment completion classification, and vendor existence classification. To measure the impact of Big data investment announcements, Data from 91 announcements from 2010 to 2017 were used as data, and the effect of investment was more empirically observed by observing changes in corporate value immediately after the disclosure. This study collected data on Big Data Investment related to Naver 's' News' category, the largest portal site in Korea. In addition, when selecting the target companies, we extracted the disclosures of listed companies in the KOSPI and KOSDAQ market. During the collection process, the search keywords were searched through the keywords 'Big data construction', 'Big data introduction', 'Big data investment', 'Big data order', and 'Big data development'. The results of the empirically proved analysis are as follows. First, we found that the market value of 91 publicly listed firms, who announced Big-data investment, increased by 0.92%. In particular, we can see that the market value of finance firms, non-ICT firms, small-cap firms are significantly increased. This result can be interpreted as the market investors perceive positively the big data investment of the enterprise, allowing market investors to better understand the company's big data investment. Second, statistical demonstration that the market value of financial firms and non - ICT firms increases after Big data investment announcement is proved statistically. Third, this study measured the effect of big data investment by dividing by company size and classified it into the top 30% and the bottom 30% of company size standard (market capitalization) without measuring the median value. To maximize the difference. The analysis showed that the investment effect of small sample companies was greater, and the difference between the two groups was also clear. Fourth, one of the most significant features of this study is that the Big Data Investment announcements are classified and structured according to vendor status. We have shown that the investment effect of a group with vendor involvement (with or without a vendor) is very large, indicating that market investors are very positive about the involvement of big data specialist vendors. Lastly but not least, it is also interesting that market investors are evaluating investment more positively at the time of the Big data Investment announcement, which is scheduled to be built rather than completed. Applying this to the industry, it would be effective for a company to make a disclosure when it decided to invest in big data in terms of increasing the market value. Our study has an academic implication, as prior research looked for the impact of Big-data investment has been nonexistent. This study also has a practical implication in that it can be a practical reference material for business decision makers considering big data investment.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.49 no.1
• /
• pp.84-97
• /
• 2016

One of the assimilation policies of Japanese imperialism for the permanent domination in the colonial Joseon is the theory of integration of Japan and Joseon. The theory of integration of Japan and Joseon is a logic that Joseon (Korea) and Japan (Wae) were connected to the same ancestor on the basis of ancient myths. Also it is the assimilation ideology to justify the Colonial rule of those days through the objectification of historical identity or affinity of political and cultural relations of ancient Korean peninsula and Japan (Wae). Japan reorganized our history to meet the colonial point of view, as part of the assimilation policies based on the theory of integration of Japan and Joseon. On the other hand Japan attempted to objectify them through archaeological research and the reinterpretation of the historical remains. The survey, reinterpretation and tourist of the historic sites in historic cities such as Gyeongju and Buyeo were promoted in this context. In particular, the Buyeo, a capital of Baekje, was emphasized upon the close relevance and affinity between Sabi, Baekje and ancient Asuka (飛鳥) in Japan through research and reinterpretation on the Historic Sites. Based on them, Historic Sites Tourism was conducted by reconstructed historic sites toward the colonial Korean. In addition, after the Sino-Japanese war in 1937, Japan tried to realize the politics of space by upgrading and idealizing Buyeo as homeland or Shinto (神都) related to Japanese ancient mythology of the Asuka culture. This paper investigated in what context research, reinterpret and tourist of the historic sites progressed on Buyeo area and how it had soaked through the general public in the Japanese colonial era. First, it is on historic sites. Historic sites research on Buyeo area made an attempt by Sekino Tadashi in 1909 for the first time and the re-excavation of the old burial mounds and temple sites during the Japanese colonial period. Sekino set up a cultural relationship and influences between the ancient China (梁), Korea (百濟) and Japan (倭). Also, he emphasized that Sabi, Baekje largely received influence of Chinese culture and Baekje and Japan Asuka culture had closely relations and affinity. These views had been consistent during the Japanese colonial period. Second, it is the reinterpretation on Historic sites. Buyeo Historic Sites Preservation Society (Buyeo Gojeok Bojonhoe) was established in 1915 and Osaka Kintaro, curator of Baekje exhibition hall redefined the relationship between ancient Japan and Baekje as perspective of the assimilation ideology through the post contextual interpretation. In particular, they emphasized on the close relevance between Baekje's Historic sites and Japan, through the reinterpretation of Nakhwaam, Goransa and Cheongmasanseong. Third, it is the tourist on Historic sites. Buyeo Historic Sites Preservation Society played a leading role in Tourist on Historic sites at the Buyeo region. The main tourist destinations and course were restructured through a reinterpretation on the historic sites. Japan would like to show Buyeo as ideology area, homeland of ancient Japanese culture, toward the Koreans under Japanese colonial era. Thus, research, reinterpretation, and tourism on Historic sites were promoted while they were closely related to each other. The promoting body was Joseon Chongdokbu and pro-Japanese interest group. It's point was 'made' and 'shown' by the eyes of others and a rediscovery of Buyeo as representational space of colony.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.42 no.4
• /
• pp.112-131
• /
• 2009

The Trikaya Banner Painting in the Suta-sa Temple at Hongcheon-gun, Gangwon-do draws attention as it was painted not on flax but on paper, and used the water color painting technique on the sketch rather than the deep color painting technique, which is most common in Buddhist paintings created during the Chosun Dynasty. Nevertheless, there is not any information on the creation of the Trikaya Banner Painting in the painting record on the painting, in Sutasasajeok(壽陀寺史蹟), or in Sutasagogirok(壽陀寺古記錄), so it is uncertain when the painting was created. Furthermore, because it was not drawn by the deep color painting technique, it has been difficult to compare it with other banner paintings. For these reasons, the Trikaya Banner Painting has been studied little except brief introduction. In recent preservation treatment that removed multiple-layered paper from the back of the painting, however, an inked inscription written on Korean paper 118cm high and 87.5cm wide was discovered on the back. It is a kind of placard notifying a number of acts prohibited in order to follow Buddha's teachings correctly, and was found to have been written on April 15, 1690. The inked inscription is a very valuable material for estimating the creation date of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting, and provides crucial clues for approaching the contents and nature of the painting more precisely. When the image, form, and style of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting were examined and its creation date was estimated based on the inked inscription, first, the painting is presumed to have been created in around 1690 as suggested by 'the placard' attached on the back instead of a painting record. Second, the painting is highly likely to be the first standing Trikaya banner painting showing the basic icons of Trikaya banner paintings in the Chosun Dynasty since the Trikaya Banner Painting in the Gap-sa Temple in Gongju (1650). Furthermore, considering the shape of the Trikaya in the painting, screen composition, background treatment, solemn and affectionate facial expression, harmonious and adequate body proportion, etc., the painting is believed to have had a considerable influence not only on Trikaya banner paintings of similar style in the 18thcentury but also on deep-color Trikaya banner paintings in the 19thcentury. Third, although the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting is not acompleted work but a sketch, it exhibits the typical water color painting technique in which the strokes are clearly visible. Thus, it is considered highly valuable in understanding and analyzing stroke styles and in studying the history of Buddhist paintings. As there are not many extant banner paintings of the same style in form and expression technique as the Suta-sa Temple Trikaya Banner Painting, this study could not make thorough comparative analysis of the work, but still it is meaningful in that it laid the ground for research on standing Trikaya banner paintings in the 18thand 19thcenturies in the Chosun Dynasty.

• Science of Emotion and Sensibility
• /
• v.21 no.4
• /
• pp.55-62
• /
• 2018

The two main requirements of wearable optical fiber fabrics are that they must presuppose a high degree of flexibility and they must maintain the luminance effect in both flat and bent conformations. Therefore, woven optical fiber fabrics that satisfy the above conditions were developed by both weaving and by using computer embroidery. First, we measured the brightness of the wearable optical fiber fabric in the flat state at a total of 10 measurement points at intervals of 1 cm. Second, the wearable optical fiber fabric was placed horizontally on the forearm, where three-dimensional bending occurs, and the luminance values were recorded at the same 10 measurement points. For the woven fabric in the flat state, the maximum, minimum, average, and standard deviation luminance values were $5.23cd/m^2$, $2.74cd/m^2$, $3.56cd/m^2$, and $1.11cd/m^2$, respectively. The corresponding luminance values from the bent forearm were $7.92cd/m^2$ (maximum), $2.37cd/m^2$ (minimum), $4.42cd/m^2$ (average), and $2.16cd/m^2$ (standard deviation). In the case of the computer-embroidered fabric, the maximum, minimum, average, and standard deviation luminance values in the flat state were $7.56cd/m^2$, $3.84cd/m^2$, $5.13cd/m^2$, and $1.04cd/m^2$, respectively, and in the bent forearm state were $9.6cd/m^2$, $3.63cd/m^2$, $6.13cd/m^2$, and $2.26cd/m^2$, respectively. Therefore, the computer-embroidered fabric exhibited a higher luminous effect than the woven fabric because the detailed structure reduced light-loss due to the backside fabric. In both types of wearable optical fiber fabric the luminance at the forearm was 124% and 119%, respectively, and the light emitting effect of the optical fiber fabric was maintained even when bent by the human body. This is consistent with the principle of Huygens, which defines the wave theory of light, and also the Huygens-Fresnel-Kirchhoff principle, which states that the intensity of light increases according to the magnitude of the angle of propagation of the light wavefront (${\theta}$).