• Strategy21
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• 통권42호
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• pp.224-257
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• 2017

As the Trump administration withdraws the Paris Climate Agreement and shows its antipathy toward free trade, the U.S.'s soft power is most likely to weaken and its behaviors could be perceived as acts to surrender the U.S. hegemonic leadership in the world stage. Hegemonic stability theory notes that the existence of a hegemonic power contributes to international stability in the sense that it provides international public goods. A lack of the U.S's leadership in international politics, however, could be recognized as its denial of a hegemonic status. Is it intentional or accidental? The U.S's denial of hegemonic roles is the byproduct of the Trump administration's "American First" policy, not the showcase of its intention to transit hegemony to others. What is noteworthy is that China targets a niche market of hegemony as the U.S. denies its roles as the international leader. Put it another way, China attempts to ride hegemony for free when the U.S. denies its hegemonic roles accidentally. Faced with a niche market of hegemony, China has begun to accelerate its national strategy to make "Chinese Dream" come true. To that end, China promised again to keep the Paris Climate Agreement and attempts to play more active its roles in Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO), Asia Infra Investment Bank(AIIB), and "One Belt, One Road". Despite all these efforts, the U.S. is most likely to withdraw its denial of hegemony any time soon. The U.S's resumption of Freedom of Navigation Operations(FONOPs) could be a precursor of the return to a hegemonic power's willingness. In this vein, it is noteworthy that the South China Sea serves as a quasi-war zone for hegemonic conflict.

• Strategy21
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• 통권43호
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• pp.57-88
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• 2018

Security situations are fundamentally and rapidly changing on the Korean Peninsula. Above all, as North Korea(NK) is heightening its nuclear and missile capabilities, Republic of Korea(ROK) is facing an existential threat. At the same time, as China's economic, diplomatic and military power is quickly rising, the balance of power is shifting and strategic competition between the Unite States(US) and China is accelerating in the Asia-Pacific region. Under the pressure of development of these situations, ROK seems to face allegedly the most serious crisis in its national security since the end of the Korean War. In the current grim geopolitical situation, maritime security may become the most difficult security challenge for ROK in the years to come. The purpose of this paper is to compare major changes in maritime security affairs of the ROK during last twenty years from 1998 until now(2018). 1998 was when this journal 『Strategy 21』 was published for the first time by the Korea Institute for Maritime Strategy. Then, this paper tries to identify challenges and risks with which this country has to deal for its survival and prosperity, and to propose some recommendations for the government, the Navy, and the Coast Guard as they are responsible for the maritime security of the country. The recommendations of this paper are as follows: strengthen ROK-US alliance and expand security cooperation with regional powers in support of the maintenance of the current security order in the region; building-up of maritime security capacity in preparation for crisis on the maritime domain with the navy targeting to acquire 'a non-nuclear, balance-of-terror capability, to improve interoperability with the Coast Guard based on 'a national fleet,' and to actively pursue innovation in naval science and technology. Finally, this paper proposes that naval capability the country needs in another twenty years depends on how effectively and rigorously the navy put its utmost efforts towards building 'a strongest navy' today.

• Strategy21
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• 통권38호
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• pp.193-220
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• 2015

Leaving the legacies of the Cold War and other difficulties behind them, South Korea and China are building up their successful strategic cooperative partnership, moving forward toward through the development of new economic exchanges and diplomatic cooperation between the two countries, and this process is expected to gain momentum during 2015. 2015 is the third year since President Park of South Korea and President Xi of China came into office, and also the first year they have begun to implement the many declarations and promises which they have made within the context of the strategic cooperative partnership. The two nations share a common cultural heritage, and their governments should take this opportunity to leverage their partnership to enhance their economies and to improve their people's quality of life, especially for the younger generation. At a summit held in July 2014, the two leaders agreed to launch a working-level group on maritime boundary delimitation. The first meeting took place on January 29, 2015, and addressed issues of Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZs) and continental shelves in the Yellow Sea, which has an area of about 380,000 ㎢. It is greatly to be hoped that the 2015 maritime boundary delimitation meeting between South Korea and China will not impair the future of bilateral relations, but rather will improve their prospects. South Korea and China must take the opportunity to secure a definitive delimitation of their maritime boundary; their strategic cooperative partnership is in good order and China is currently taking a somewhat more flexible stance on the ECS and the SCS, so an agreement on boundaries will serve as a useful model for regional maritime cooperation.

• Strategy21
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• 통권38호
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• pp.221-249
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• 2015

The Royal United Services Institute(RUSI) was founded in the middle of the 19th century in Britain. It was developed through 'Naval Historical Revitalization Movement' in that time. Many celebrities and people who were interested in the Navy participated in the activities of the RUSI. For example, the forums and lectures were held by prestigious persons, like Sir Garnet Wolseley and the Duke of Cambridge. It also became the milestone for guiding the flow of the Royal Navy's thought with the Naval Intelligence Department and the Naval Records Society. The forum of the RUSI was the place for debating naval hot issues. The journal of the RUSI was the space for suggesting an idea and gathering public opinions for developing Britain's sea power. Therefore, the RUSI was the public sphere for the Royal Navy in the 19-20th Century. And especially, the paper prize contest of the RUSI was the culmination of the RUSI's activities for the Royal Navy. Naval prize essays gave messages to the Royal Navy about the changing situation of European naval powers. Also, they made many meaningful debates for the Royal Navy to overcome the difficult situations in that time. Those essays were reflecting the issues of the Royal Navy and leading the way for getting over it. Besides, some people appeared through the contest and they played important roles for making the contingency and planning the war. The contest reflected the past, anticipated the future, and selected the talented persons to shape the future. This developing aspects of the RUSI could apply to the Korea Institute for Maritime Strategy(KIMS). The KIMS already carries out the role of the RUSI very similarly. If the KIMS changes to the way for open-door policy to more people, it will work more efficiently for their goal. In this respect, the messages of the RUSI will be very useful for improving the activities of the KIMS.

• Strategy21
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• 통권41호
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• pp.108-152
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• 2017

This paper aims to analyze hegemonic competition and the role of naval power. To this end the paper is composed of four chapters titled introduction, the role of naval power in the hegemonic competition, the role of naval power in the East Asia, and the lessons and implications for the Korean Peninsula. Since the modern era, the hegemonic competition in the East Asian region has been the intrusion and struggle process between the world system and the East Asian regional system, and the ocean between these two systems has become the goal and means of supremacy(hegemony). Currently, the hegemonic competition between the US and China consists of systemic competition at the global level and marine competition at the regional level. When South Korea is forced to make strategic choices in the course of the US-China hegemonic competition, naval power will be the first factor to be considered. The ROK is asymmetrically maintaining a deep dependency relationship with the United States in terms of security and China in relation to the economy. And while the ROK's national economic power is acquired from the ocean, the ROK's military power is imbalanced because it is centered on the ground forces. These international relations and asymmetric-unbalanced resources distribution will not be able to effectively cope with the hegemonic competition between the US and China in the future, and will limit Korea's strategic choice. Since naval power and forces are the prerequisites for the hegemonic competition or the maintenance of supremacy we must construct balanced naval forces(naval power) that are not subordinate to the ground forces at the national strategic level for the future of the country.

• 안보군사학연구
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• 통권13호
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• pp.1-41
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• 2016

US 8th Army in the attack on the Western Front was a situation that was frustrated by the 13th Corps Communist army. To this time support this, goals that have been granted to the US 1st Marine Division that initiated the attack in Mupyonri direction, lack the potential to achieve was not decisive. It was a operation specific erroneous judgment that occurred because there was no one accurately grasp the battlefield of the situation the wrong UN Forces Command. Tactical victory can be to maximize the operation outcomes. However, there is no possible failure of the operation is to expand the tactical success. This is because the failure of the operation, because directly linked to the success or failure of the war. Tactical victory can be to maximize the operation outcomes. However, operation specific failure is not it possible to expand the tactical victory. Therefore tactical success of the US 1st Marine Division, can not compensate for operation specific failure of the United Nations Forces Command. However, Chinese Communist Army 9th Corps is obsessed only victory of tactics to annihilate the US 1st Marine Division, by being fixation to the Chosin whole area, it was not possible to run a operational operation. Therefore tactical success df the US 1st Marine Division, Chinese Communist Army 9th Corps is to extinguish the ability to increase the number of the 13th Corps of the Western Front, 8th Army US have contributed to have escaped the crisis. In addition, the US 10th Corps while maintaining the combat force, by an important role to withdraw through the sea, was able to complement the misjudgment of the operation.

• 한국도서관정보학회지
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• 제46권2호
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• pp.203-225
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• 2015

이 연구는 지역기록을 활용하여 로컬리티를 새롭게 형성한 일본의 다테야마를 방문하여 이 운동을 주도한 아이자와 교수의 안내를 받아 현장을 답사하며 설명을 듣고 관찰하고, 관련 자료를 통해 연구를 진행하였다. 지역 기록을 활용하여 로컬리티를 형성한 사례로 사면석탑에 새겨진 나무아미타불을 통해 <아시아와 우정을 나누는 평화의 도시>, 아오키 시게루가 "바다의 선물[海の幸]"을 그린 장소가 다테야마임에 착안하여 <화가가 사랑했던 예술의 도시>라는 로컬리티를 형성하고 있었다. 유적의 기록화를 통해 로컬리티를 재구성한 사례는 다음과 같다. 사라질 위기에 처한 사토미성이 유명한 대하전기소설인 "사토미 팔견전"의 무대임을 밝혀서 유적지로 지정 보존하고, 잊혔던 태평양 전쟁의 유적을 발굴 연구하여 평화학습을 위한 체험공간으로 활용하며, <평화의 도시>라는 긍정적이고 미래지향적인 로컬리티로 재구성하고 있었다.

• 한국정보통신학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국정보통신학회 2012년도 추계학술대회
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• pp.214-218
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• 2012

중국이 명실상부한 세계적 강대국으로 부상하고 있다. 2011년 현재 보편적 국력으로 보았을 때 중국은 미국 다음으로 강한 국력을 가진 국가로 아시아를 넘어 세계적인 패권국으로 성장하고 있다. 중국이 이와 같은 강대국으로 부상하면서 동아시아에서 미국중심의 국제정치질서가 도전받고 있으며, 특히 동아시아 해양패권을 놓고 기존의 패권국인 미국과 경쟁이 본격화 되고 있다. 이러한 중국과 미국과의 경쟁은 동아시아의 해양을 무대로 진행되고 있어 해양을 통해 국가의 안전과 번영을 유지하고 있는 해양국가인 한국의 안보에 직접적인 영향을 미치고 있다. 중국의 부상에 따른 동아시아 해양에서의 미-중 군사경쟁 배경과 현황, 그리고 이러한 경쟁이 동아시아와 한국안보에 미치는 영향과 대책을 모색해 본다.

• 지질공학
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• 제10권2호
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• pp.79-97
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• 2000

우리나라의 최근 지진발생 추이를 보면 본격적인 게기지진관측을 시작한 1978년부터 1982년까지는 활성기 라 할 수 있으며 1983년부터 1991년까지는 조용하다가 1992년부터 지진발생 횟수가 크게 증가하는 것으로 나타나고 있다. 한편 우리나라의 계기지진관측은 1905년 일본에 의하여 시작되었는데 1943년까지 관측이 되다가 행방과 동란 등 사회적 격동기를 거치면서 관측이 중단되었다. 그후 1963년에 세계표준지진관측망의 설립에 의해서 관측이 재개되었는데 1978년 홍성지진을 계기로 본격적인 지진관측시대가 시작되었다. 기상청은 24시간 지진 및 지진해일 감시체계를 구축 운영하고있는데, 1997년부터 새로운 국가 지관측망 구축사업을 추진하고 있다. 이 사업의 결과 현재 지진관측망 27소, 가속도관측망 42소, 지진분석시스템과 수위측정계등을 설치 운영되고 있다. 앞으로 2001년까지 이를 더욱 확장하여 지진관측망을 31소로, 가속도관측망을 75소로 증성할 계획을 추진중이다.

• 화약ㆍ발파
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• 제15권3호
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• pp.14-19
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• 1997

Koreans have emphasized education as the primary means to reconstruct our country means to reconstruct our country after two catastrophic events-the Japanese occupation and the Korean War(1950-1953). A Strong belief- in education coupled with sheer deter-mination spurred the period of industrial and eeonomic development that started in the early 1970-'s. The "can-do" attitude of the general public was matched and aided by small S & T communities. Scientists and engineers provided the neeessary expertise to manufacture goods and process the many raw materials imported from overseas. After nearly three decades of reconst-ructing our completely devastated country, Korea has become a modern, cosmo-politan, fast-paced and dynamic country. In order to further increaser our manufac- turing capabilities and double the per-capita income by the beginning of the 21st century, we must improve productivitiy and encourage creatitivity in all sectors of our country. The S & T community's efforts in research and development. education, and interna-tional cooperation will be invaluable in determining our direction and reaching these goals. The general public is eager to peacefully unite our foreign powers since 1945. Toward that end. members of the S & T community are willing to coope-rate with our north Korean counterparts in all areas of S & T with the exception of defense related endeavors. Establi-shing scientific ties with north Korea will result in mutual economic benefit and greater regional stability in East Asia. In particular. scientists and manu-facturers in each province are eager to initiate cordial and professional relation-ships with north Korea in the hopes of securing these benefits. The Korean Federation of Science and Technology Societies(KOFST) has played an important role both in developing S & T policies, and in gostering the frowty of S & T societies. A non-governmental umbrella organization composed of over 251 professional societies, KOFST facili-tates the transfer of research outcomes and technology from research institutions to the various industries. KOFST also seeks to increase cooperation between the countries of the Pacific Rim. As evidence of that, we have pursued joint research and industrial ventures with China. Established projects include those on environmental conditions in the Yellow Sea, and improvement of aircraft manufacturing, telecommunica-tion equipment, and agricultural produ-cts. Increased cooperation between the Pacific Rim countries, particularly in S & T, would foster social and economic development for the region as a whole.