• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.263-288
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• 2012

The purpose of this research was to examine the significance of the first edition of Tripitaka Koreana. In this research, the following were done: 1) by clarifying the place and date of praying for the engraving of the first edition of Tripitaka Koreana, its significance as "Daejanggyeong" produced to expel the Kitan was more clearly explained; 2) its physical characteristics were examined to provide evidence of the artistic and creative features of its engravings, quite different from those of the Gaebo Tripitaka made in China; and 3) its structure was analyzed from a viewpoint of a systematic bibliography. It was found that since the first edition of Tripitaka Koreana contained all the earlier lists of Buddhistic scriptures in China(and individual scriptures were thoroughly examined and included into its content since the reign of King Munjong), it had a systematic bibliographical significance demonstrated by its comprehensive and cumulative nature.

• Journal of Society of Preventive Korean Medicine
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.1-13
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• 1997

Cho, Tak(曺倬)'s Yi-Yang-Pyun(二養編), first published in the 12 year of Kwang-Hae-Kun(光海君) era(1620), is composed of two parts. The first part is an edition of various Confucian scriptures that is used to control and restrain the mind. The second pan, considering mostly of contents borrowed from medical works, anthologies and books on yang-saeng(養生), is used to maintain the well-being of the body. Yi-Yang-Pyun shows several distinct characteristics of Yang-saeng ideas. first, it follows the teachings of Yi, Hwang(李滉) which denotes the state of body and mind according to the Kyung(敬) philosophy. 'Kyung' is a state of being that does not require bondage as it automatically reveres the mind. Therefore, actively fostering the body and mind is to maintain this respective state of being. Second, it has summarized and arranged certain medical contents from the Dong-Eui-Bo-Kam(東醫寶鑑) for the purpose of discovering the truth underlying one's body in an effort to pursue the logics of universal nature. Third, although it was based on the contents of Confucianism related books, it widely encompassed the regimen of Taoism. Fundamentally, the Confucian had regarded the Taoism as a heretic, but accepted it in e influence of Zhu xi(朱熹) who interpretated Can-Tong-Qi(參同契) with Confucian perspectives and put in practice the regimen of Taoism. In this context, Yi-Yang-Pyun also used jointly Taoism-related books with Confucian scriptures. Although Taoist regimen was accepted, elixir(外丹), conjury of Taoist hermit(神仙方術) and issues which run counter to morality like sexual practices(房中術) were not. Most of regimens used were related to disease-prevention and health-enhancement like breathing(服氣法), gym-nastics(導引), Diet(服餌) etc. Ideas of Yi-Yang-Pyun, written from Confucian perspectives, latter heavily influenced on scholars of inner elixir(內丹).

• Korean Journal of Child Studies
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• v.2
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• pp.55-66
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• 1981

Research on children should be perferably made in reference with the past thinking if it is to be affirmed by the present and to predict the future. In this respect, Buddhism, which is one of the major original thinkings in the Orient as well as the most influential religion upon Koreans daily lives and attitudes, deserves to be researched in the light of education of children. In this thesis, I have made a trial to delve into the original Buddhistic scriptures to find out Buddha's outlook on home children and arrived at the following conclusions: 1. Concerning human development stages, Buddha regarded the starting point of human life from fertilization instead of birth, even at that ancient time, and the fetal life was devided into 4, 5, or 8 stages. 2. In spite of the numerous scriptures by Buddha, very little is written about children, and even these teaching did not regard the child as an independent entity. In addition, since Buddha was a person of superior enlightenment, he did not regard the age of human beings as of great importance. 3. On the relationship between parents and children, Buddha warned the extra ordinary attachment of parents toward children, because such attachment would be an obstacle in the search of truth. This idea was originated from his thought that the relationship between parents and children was not a single fixed one but of unlimited variation through numerous life times of reincarnation. This idea gives some illumination upon the problems of today's education where parent's exclusive attachment to their children and over-protection are hindrance for successful education. 4. Buddha put emphasis on parents' social duty, by which he meant that parents should care and accept not only their biological children but all children and all living things as if they were their own children. 5. Regardeding the children's role to their parents, Buddha taught that children should respect and support their parents under any condition. Buddha also emphasized that true filial piety was to help parents to improve their religious status by helping them attain the truth, morality, and wisdom. It is my intention to investigate Buddha's View tin children of entering pristhood.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.155-182
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• 2011

The purpose of this paper is to examine the process of Islamization in Java, focusing on religious discourse among Muslim intellectuals. How Islamic tradition and knowledge have been perceived and utilized and how they have interacted with those of non-Islamic origin will be discussed. For this, three Islam-related books written in different phases of Islamization are to be analyzed: Babad Tanah Jawi compiled by Mataram court in the 17th century, Serat Cabolek written by a court poet in the late 18th or early 19th century, and Fikih Anti-korupsi published by reformist and scriptural organization of Muhammadiyah in 2006. Babad portrays conversion to Islam as a process which does not demand a dramatic outward change in religious practice. Scriptural tradition of Islam and the dichotomy between what is Islamic and what is not were not mentioned in order to explain conversion. Spiritual and mystical enlightenment was emphasized heavily, and for this, the importance of non-Islamic traditions was fully acknowledged. Serat tells us that this period was characterized by the surge of scriptural and shariah-minded Islam, maintenance of non-Islamic traditions, clashes between scriptural Islam and old religious traditions, and Javanese efforts to harmonize these. In Fikih, non-Islamic tradition is replaced by scriptural Islam and disappears totally. Interpretations based on the Scriptures, however, do not monopolize it and are used together with mode of analysis from the West. It is too much to call this 'intellectual syncretism', in that Islamic Scriptures and Western knowledge do not mix but stand side by side. Three books under examination reveal that the process of Islamization in Java has not been uniform. It has been conditioned and shaped by local socio-cultural and historical circumstances, where active engagement and intellectual exercise of Javanese Muslims have played key roles. Even Islamization in the last few decades is not an exception. The surge of scripturalism and fundamentalism does not simply bring about a move to Arabization. Interacting with local intellectual and socio-cultural milieu, this has produced a sort of intellectual hybridity, which is unique to Muslim society of Java.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.38-55
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• 2019

At Otani University in Kyoto, Japan, there is a rubbed copy of Tripitaka Koreana, presumably printed in 1381. According to the postscript of the copy, written by Saek Lee himself, the rubbed copy was made at Haeinsa temple in 1381 and was kept at Sinluksa temple in Yeuju. The copy was delivered as a gift to Japan in 1414 and now is kept at the Library of Otani University. Although an approximate summary of the content of the copy was reported in the early 2000s after a basic survey, details of the copy, including the concrete format and packaging paper, are not known yet. In this paper a detailed survey of the copy is conducted on the 109 pages. The copy is divided into two parts: the wrapping and the inner pages. The wrapping paper is divided into yellow and brown colors depending on the material of the paper. The yellow colorwrapping paper was possibly made in 1381 at the time of the rubbed printing, and the brown wrapping paper was repaired after being moved to Japan. Using funds collected in February 1380, the copy of Gyeong(經), Yul(律), and Ron(論) chapters was printed in April 1381. Binding of the copy was completed in September, and the wrapping paper with the title in gold was made in October 1380. The box for keeping Buddhist scriptures was manufactured in November 1380. The copy was moved to Sinluksa temple in April 1382 and delivered to Japan in 1414. At Otani University, the copy is stored in separate rectangular boxes 32.1×25.3cm in size with a height of 23.6cm. The rectangular plate on the four sides is red in external color but black colorinside. The box for keeping Buddhist scriptures was probably made in 1381, but a partial repair was made later. Because of the difficulty of executing a detailed survey of the box for Buddhist scriptures, it is hard to find out its nation and period of production. We look forward to studying the copy as well as the box for Buddhist scriptures in future.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.139-164
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• 2007

Xu Ling Tai (徐靈胎) was an outstanding medical practitioner in the early and middle part of the Cheong Dynasty of China (淸代). He had learned the study of Confucian classics and natural science from his childhood and read through books covering all sorts of fields, from medical science to hydraulics and literature. He was, in particular, one of leaders who represented the school of classicism that followed scriptures (尊經復古主義學派) in the field of medical science and his solid abstraction has had an affect on posterity's one. One of his masterpieces is Yi Xue Yuan Liu Lun (醫學源流論) among his books in the medical area.

• Journal of Korea Multimedia Society
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• v.18 no.10
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• pp.1241-1250
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• 2015

In this paper, we describe visualization pursuant of developing 37 Honored Ones within the Diamond World Mandala. “The 37 Honored Ones” are a collective term for 5 Buddhas and 32 Bodhisattvas that were built on the basis of Vajrasekhara Sutra. Also, as core values of Buddhism, they represent ideas of Esoteric Buddhism systematically and symbolically. “The 37 Honored Ones” are completed by the development of 4 Buddhas from Vairocana and their interaction with 16 Great Bodhisattvas and 16 Offering Bodhisattvas that were also developed from Vairocana. So, in this paper, we analyze and visualize the development of “37 Honored Ones.” This line of research is significant because it aims to convert narrative structure of the conventional Buddhism scriptures into various types of digital contents. Also, applications of the implemented visual digital contents can be as follows; educational service for Buddhist doctrines, development of the various Buddhist cultural contents, etc.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.39-62
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• 2003

${\ll}$OhJangYukBuDo五臟六腑圖${\gg}$ is the Book Name which was recorded in "Euibangyoochui醫方類聚", and the Author had been clarified as "HoEum胡愔" in accordance with those books likely as "New Records of Tang Dynasty新唐書", "History of Song Dynasty宋史" The said "HoEum" had displayed her activity at the Age of Tang Dynasty, as a Female-Physician also a Female taoist, who retired to hermitage in Mount Taebaek. As being perceived the abstruse reasons in those scriptures named "Hwang Jung Kyung黃庭經" and "Koodo(舊圖)", she composed the book at Daejung 4th Year of King Sun, namely AD 848 named "HwangJungNaeKyungOhJangYukBuBoSaDo ${\ll}$黃庭內景五臟六腑補瀉圖${\gg}$ ".

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.55-70
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• 2010

Although scholarly terminology should have clear meanings as signs, Korean pagoda terminology has become jargon and is creating difficulties in communicating meanings which are far from the originally intended meanings; this terminology is sometimes notated in dead language, meaning old Chinese characters, or Japanese styled Chinese characters. Nobody has asked questions on the terminology itself which has long been commonly used for a century, since the Japanese-ruling period. One of the main reasons for this error is that the Indian Buddhist scriptures in Sanskrit has been translated into Chinese with vague understanding of form and meaning of stupa since 3rd Century A.D. On the other hand, the English-language terminology, already built by Indology scholars since the beginning of the 20th century, consists of easier language and clearer meanings. This paper examines misunderstanding and mistranslation of the original Indian stupa terms and suggests new terminology in current, easier language.

• Journal of The Korean Digital Architecture Interior Association
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.41-48
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• 2006

The research which it led and it tried to observe the layout of Hwa-Um buddhist architecture by Avatamska sutra. The avatamska sutra is one of the scriptures which are important from Buddhism and Hwa-Um buddhist architecture is same channel. Sip-ji-pum that it includes the contents of avatamska sutra is most important. Hwa-um buddhist architecture can divide the major space into a three precinct. First, the gate to a Buddhist temple(A step of self interest. Second, Ru and a building for Buddhist priest(A step of Altruistic act). Third, A Buddhist sancturary(A step of Religious ascetic). From the above results, we can know that site layout of Hwa-um buddhist architecture in the Hwa-um sect relations to the dogmatic background, thought.