• Magazine of the Korean Society of Agricultural Engineers
• /
• v.7 no.1
• /
• pp.861-876
• /
• 1965

During my stay in the Netherlands, I have studied the following, primarily in relation to the Mokpo Yong-san project which had been studied by the NEDECO for a feasibility report. 1. Unit hydrograph at Naju There are many ways to make unit hydrograph, but I want explain here to make unit hydrograph from the- actual run of curve at Naju. A discharge curve made from one rain storm depends on rainfall intensity per houre After finriing hydrograph every two hours, we will get two-hour unit hydrograph to devide each ordinate of the two-hour hydrograph by the rainfall intensity. I have used one storm from June 24 to June 26, 1963, recording a rainfall intensity of average 9. 4 mm per hour for 12 hours. If several rain gage stations had already been established in the catchment area. above Naju prior to this storm, I could have gathered accurate data on rainfall intensity throughout the catchment area. As it was, I used I the automatic rain gage record of the Mokpo I moteorological station to determine the rainfall lntensity. In order. to develop the unit ~Ydrograph at Naju, I subtracted the basic flow from the total runoff flow. I also tried to keed the difference between the calculated discharge amount and the measured discharge less than 1O~ The discharge period. of an unit graph depends on the length of the catchment area. 2. Determination of sluice dimension Acoording to principles of design presently used in our country, a one-day storm with a frequency of 20 years must be discharged in 8 hours. These design criteria are not adequate, and several dams have washed out in the past years. The design of the spillway and sluice dimensions must be based on the maximun peak discharge flowing into the reservoir to avoid crop and structure damages. The total flow into the reservoir is the summation of flow described by the Mokpo hydrograph, the basic flow from all the catchment areas and the rainfall on the reservoir area. To calculate the amount of water discharged through the sluiceCper half hour), the average head during that interval must be known. This can be calculated from the known water level outside the sluiceCdetermined by the tide) and from an estimated water level inside the reservoir at the end of each time interval. The total amount of water discharged through the sluice can be calculated from this average head, the time interval and the cross-sectional area of' the sluice. From the inflow into the .reservoir and the outflow through the sluice gates I calculated the change in the volume of water stored in the reservoir at half-hour intervals. From the stored volume of water and the known storage capacity of the reservoir, I was able to calculate the water level in the reservoir. The Calculated water level in the reservoir must be the same as the estimated water level. Mean stand tide will be adequate to use for determining the sluice dimension because spring tide is worse case and neap tide is best condition for the I result of the calculatio 3. Tidal computation for determination of the closure curve. During the construction of a dam, whether by building up of a succession of horizontael layers or by building in from both sides, the velocity of the water flowinii through the closing gapwill increase, because of the gradual decrease in the cross sectional area of the gap. 1 calculated the . velocities in the closing gap during flood and ebb for the first mentioned method of construction until the cross-sectional area has been reduced to about 25% of the original area, the change in tidal movement within the reservoir being negligible. Up to that point, the increase of the velocity is more or less hyperbolic. During the closing of the last 25 % of the gap, less water can flow out of the reservoir. This causes a rise of the mean water level of the reservoir. The difference in hydraulic head is then no longer negligible and must be taken into account. When, during the course of construction. the submerged weir become a free weir the critical flow occurs. The critical flow is that point, during either ebb or flood, at which the velocity reaches a maximum. When the dam is raised further. the velocity decreases because of the decrease\ulcorner in the height of the water above the weir. The calculation of the currents and velocities for a stage in the closure of the final gap is done in the following manner; Using an average tide with a neglible daily quantity, I estimated the water level on the pustream side of. the dam (inner water level). I determined the current through the gap for each hour by multiplying the storage area by the increment of the rise in water level. The velocity at a given moment can be determined from the calcalated current in m3/sec, and the cross-sectional area at that moment. At the same time from the difference between inner water level and tidal level (outer water level) the velocity can be calculated with the formula $h= \frac{V^2}{2g}$ and must be equal to the velocity detertnined from the current. If there is a difference in velocity, a new estimate of the inner water level must be made and entire procedure should be repeated. When the higher water level is equal to or more than 2/3 times the difference between the lower water level and the crest of the dam, we speak of a "free weir." The flow over the weir is then dependent upon the higher water level and not on the difference between high and low water levels. When the weir is "submerged", that is, the higher water level is less than 2/3 times the difference between the lower water and the crest of the dam, the difference between the high and low levels being decisive. The free weir normally occurs first during ebb, and is due to. the fact that mean level in the estuary is higher than the mean level of . the tide in building dams with barges the maximum velocity in the closing gap may not be more than 3m/sec. As the maximum velocities are higher than this limit we must use other construction methods in closing the gap. This can be done by dump-cars from each side or by using a cable way.e or by using a cable way.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.36
• /
• pp.101-133
• /
• 2013

In this paper, the writer investigated the thoughts on military art and science with a focus on the typical books on military art and science, which was published in the latter period of Joseon, and the discussion of literati in that time. Joseon had been happy to enjoy the piping times of peace for about 200 years ever since the establishment of the dynasty. However, having had to gone through two major wars, the Joseon Dynasty, revolving around scholarly people, had awakened the limits of military art and science of Joseon. It can be said that the countermeasure against Japanese pirates, which were reflected in the "Jingbirok" (懲毖錄 - Records of the 1592 Japanese Invasion) written by Yu Seong-ryong, and the experiences of war had formed the basis of the thoughts on military art and science in the latter period. Regrettably, there were no suggestions or proposals of preparing countermeasure against Japanese raiders in the books of military art and science in the early period of the Joseon Dynasty. Meanwhile, as the argument about the battle formation in the early period of Joseon, the process of establishing the military science had not gone smoothly in the latter period of Joseon. Right after the Japanese invasion of 1592, "Gihyo-Sinseo" (紀效新書 - New Text of Practical Tactics written by Cheok Gye-gwang) was brought into the country by the army of Ming (明) Dynasty. At first, this was used in the form of its original edition, or of abstract version in the military drill. But, later, it was published under the title of "Byeonghak-jinam" (兵學指南 - Military Training Manual about Action Rules by combat situation). This book, same as in Zhejian (浙江) province in China, had achieved a positive effect on counteracting the Japanese raiders in our country. However, these military tactics were conflicted with "Owi Jinbeop" - Rules of Deployment of the Five Military Commands, which had been handed down ever since the early period of the Joseon Dynasty, and, at the same time, it was pointed out that those tactics would not be able to apply to the situation uniformly, since Korea and China were geographically different. Furthermore, having gone through Manchu Invasion of 1636 (丙子胡亂, Byeongja horan) Joseon had used "Yeonbyeongsilgi" (練兵實記 - the Actual Records of Training Army), which was compiled in China on the basis of the experiences of wars against the nomad, including Mongolia and so on. And, this had become a typical training manual together with "Byeonghak-jinam". King Yeong Jo and King Jeong Jo of the Joseon Dynasty had tried to establish uniformity in military training by publishing the books of military science representing the latter period of Joseon such as "Sokbyeongjangdoseol" (續兵將圖說- Revision of the Illustrated Manual of Military Training and Tactics,) "Byeonghaktong" (兵學通 Book on Military Art and Science,) "Byeonghakjinamyeonui" (兵學指南演義 - Commentary on 'Byeonghak-jinam') and "Muyedobotongji"(武藝圖譜通志 - Comprehensive Illustrated Manual of Martial Arts,) and so on. King Jeong Jo had actively participated in the arguments in those days. So then the arguments that had been continued for about 200 years, ever since King Seon Jo, put to an end. To sum up the distinctive features of military art and science in both former and latter period of the Joseon Dynasty, in the former period of Joseon, the reasoning military science was proceeded with the initiative of civic official based on "Mugyeongchilseo"(武經七書- the Seven Military Classics). However, in the latter period of Joseon, "Gihyo-Sinseo"(紀效新書 - New Text of Practical Tactics written by Cheok Gye-gwang) had served as a momentum, and also comparatively a large numbers of military official had participated in arguments, so then such an occasion had made the military science turn into the Practical Theory. Meanwhile, King Sejo and King Jeong Jo had played a leading role in the process of establishing the theory of military science of Joseon, however, there are something in common that their succession to the throne was not smooth. This is the part that reminds us "War is an extension of politics," the thesis of Clausewitz

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.53 no.4
• /
• pp.32-59
• /
• 2020

South Korea's area-based heritage preservation system originates from the "Preservation of Traditional Buildings Act" enacted in 1984. However, this system was abolished in 1996. As there was a need for protection of ancient cities in the 1960s, Japan enacted the Historic City Preservation Act in 1966, and 'Preservation Areas for Historic Landscapes' and 'Special Preservation Districts for Historic Landscapes' were introduced. For the preservation of area-based heritage sites, the 'Important Preservation Districts for Groups of Traditional Buildings' system introduced as part of the revision of the Cultural Heritage Protection Act in 1975 was the beginning. Then, in the early-2000s, discussions on the preservation of area-based heritage sites began in earnest, and the 'Important Cultural Landscape' system was introduced for protection of the space and context between heritage sites. Also, '33 Groups of Modernization Industry Heritage Sites' were designated in 2007, covering various material and immaterial resources related to the modernization of Japan, and '100 Beautiful Historic Landscapes of Japan' were selected for protection of local landscapes with historic value in the same year. In 2015, the "Japanese Heritage" system was established for the integrated preservation and management of tangible and intangible heritage aspects located in specific areas; in 2016, the "Japanese Agricultural Heritage" system was established for the succession and fostering of the disappearing agriculture and fishery industries; and in 2017, "the 20th Century Heritage," was established, representing evidence of modern and contemporary Japanese technologies in the 20th century. As a result, presently (in September 2020), 30 'Historic Landscape Preservation Areas', 60 'Historic Landscape Special Districts,' 120 'Important Preservation Districts for Groups of Traditional Buildings," 65 'Important Cultural Landscapes,' 66 'Groups of Modernization Industry Heritage Sites,' 264 "100 Beautiful Historic Landscapes of Japan,' 104 'Japanese Heritage Sites,' and 15 'Japanese Agricultural Heritage Sites' have been designated. According to this perception of situations, the research process for this study with its basic purpose of extracting the general characteristics of Japan's area-based heritage preservation system, has sequentially spread since 1976 as follows. First, this study investigates Japan's area-based heritage site preservation system and sets the scope of research through discussions of literature and preceding studies. Second, this study investigates the process of the spread of the area-based heritage site preservation system and analyzes the relationship between the systems according to their development, in order to draw upon their characteristics. Third, to concretize content related to relationships and characteristics, this study involves in-depth analysis of three representative examples and sums them up to identify the characteristics of Japan's area-based heritage system. A noticeable characteristic of Japan's area-based heritage site preservation system drawn from this is that new heritage sites are born each year. Consequently, an overlapping phenomenon takes place between heritage sites, and such phenomena occur alongside revitalization of related industries, traditional industry, and cultural tourism and the improvement of localities as well as the preservation of area-based heritage. These characteristics can be applied as suggestions for the revitalization of the 'modern historical and cultural space' system implemented by South Korea.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.72
• /
• pp.365-400
• /
• 2018

The signs of $G{\bar{a}}nzh{\bar{i}}$(干支: the sexagesimal calendar system) almanac, which marked each year, month, day and time with 60 ordinal number marks made by combining 10 $Ti{\bar{a}}ng{\bar{a}}ns$(天干: the decimal notation to mark date) and 12 $D{\grave{i}}zh{\bar{i}}s$(地支 : the duodecimal notation to mark date), were used not only as the sign of the factors affecting the occurrence of a disease and treatment in the area of traditional oriental medicine, but also as the indicator of prejudging fortunes in different areas of future prediction techniques.(for instance, astrology, the theory of divination based on topography, four pillars of destiny and etc.) While theories of many future predictive technologies with this $G{\bar{a}}nzh{\bar{i}}$(干支) almanac signs as the standard had been established in many ways by Han dynasty, it is difficult to find almanac discussion later on the fundamental theory of 'how it works like that'. As for the method to mark the era of $Ti{\bar{a}}nt{\check{i}}l{\grave{i}}$(天體曆: a calendar made with the sidereal period of Jupiter and the Sun), which determines the name of a year depending on where $Su{\grave{i}}x{\bar{i}}ng$(歲星: Jupiter) is among the '12 positions of zodiac', there are three main ways of $$Su{\grave{i}}x{\bar{i}}ng-J{\grave{i}}ni{\acute{a}}nf{\check{a}}$$(歲星紀年法: the way to mark an era by the location of Jupiter on the celestial sphere), $$T{\grave{a}}isu{\grave{i}}-J{\grave{i}}ni{\acute{a}}nf{\check{a}}$$ (太歲紀年法: the way to mark an era by the location facing the location of Jupiter on the celestial sphere) and $$G{\bar{a}}nzh{\bar{i}}-J{\grave{i}}ni{\acute{a}}nf{\check{a}}$$(干支紀年法: the way to mark an era with Ganzhi marks). Regarding $$G{\bar{a}}nzh{\bar{i}}-J{\grave{i}}ni{\acute{a}}nf{\check{a}}$$(干支紀年法), which is actually the same way to mark an era as $$T{\grave{a}}isu{\grave{i}}-J{\grave{i}}ni{\acute{a}}nf{\check{a}}$$(太歲紀年法) with the only difference in the name, there are more than three ways, and one of them has continued to be used in China, Korea and so on since Han dynasty. The name of year of $G{\bar{a}}nzh{\bar{i}}$(干支) this year, 2018, has become $W{\grave{u}}-X{\bar{u}}$(戊戌) just by 'accident'. Therefore, in this discussion, the need to realize this situation was emphasized in different areas of traditional techniques of future prediction in which distinct theories have been established with the $G{\bar{a}}nzh{\bar{i}}$(干支) mark of year, month, day and time. Because of the 1 sidereal period of Jupiter, which is a little bit shorter than 12 years, once about one thousand years, 'the location of Jupiter on the zodiac' and 'the name of a year of 12 $D{\grave{i}}zh{\bar{i}}s$(地支) marks' accord with each other just for about 85 years, and it has been verified that recent dozens of years are the very period. In addition, appropriate methods of observing the the twenty-eight lunar mansions were elucidated. As $G{\bar{a}}nzh{\bar{i}}$(干支) almanac is related to the theoretical foundation of traditional medical practice as well as various techniques of future prediction, in-depth study on the fundamental theory of ancient $Ti{\bar{a}}nt{\check{i}}l{\grave{i}}$(天體曆) cannot be neglected for the succession and development of traditional oriental study and culture, too.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.36
• /
• pp.153-199
• /
• 2020

The teachings of Sangje teachings have been spread to humanity and were provided as basis for building the earthly paradise due to His having performed the Reordering Works of the Universe (Cheonjigongsa) for nine years. The work that remains will be completed year by year following the cosmic program that Sangje set for the universe. The chapters titled 'Gyoun (Progress of the Order)' in Jeon-gyeong (The Canonical Scripture) can be summarized into three parts: Viewing Gyoun, Spreading Gyoun, and Establishing the firm ground of Gyoun. Viewing Gyoun is seeing how the teachings would be transmitted from the beginning to end. The work of Gyoun was established by Sangje and promoted as the teachings of Sangje which will ultimately unfold into the realization of an earthly paradise. Spreading Gyoun is performed by disciples who received the teachings from Sangje and then the successor to whom Sangje transmitted the religious authority. Since chapter two of Gyoun is about the hagiography of Doju Jo Jeongsan, it is shown that Doju unfolded and developed Sangje's teachings. Establishing the firm ground of Gyoun is carried out to enable practitioners to understand that Dotong-gunja ('Dao-Empowered Sages,' Earthly Immortals) will be produced as a result of Sangje's Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth and that humans can perfect themselves through cultivating the Dao. In conclusion, Gyoun can be summarized as a process that started during Doju Jo Jeongsan's 50 years (1909~1958) of holy works and spreading of the teachings. Next, it was continued through the time of Dojeon who was bestowed with religious authority through Doju's last words. Dojeon, like Doju before him, spread the teachings. In later times, there will be Dotong-gunjas who transmit Sangje's teachings to the whole world. Although the above characterizations are accurate, I compared some verses from Chapter 1 of Progress of the Order (Gyoun) in The Canonical Scripture (Jeon-gyeong) of Daesoon Jinrihoe to the 6 th edition (1965) of Daesoon Jeongyeong, a key scripture from the earliest strata of Jeungsanist scriptures, and found that there were a few earlier variations of the same content. The use of words and sentences were different though in several of these verses. Also, some of the verses indicated alternative historical dates (years), and some of the verses from Chapter 1 of Progress of the Order from The Canonical Scripture do not appear anywhere in the 6^th edition of Daesoon Jeong-gyeong.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
• /
• v.101
• /
• pp.12-46
• /
• 2022

Completed in 1467, the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple is the last Buddhist pagoda erected at the center of the capital (present-day Seoul) of the Joseon Dynasty. It was commissioned by King Sejo, the final Korean king to favor Buddhism. In this paper, I aim to examine King Sejo's intentions behind celebrating the tenth anniversary of his enthronement with the construction of the thirteen-story stone pagoda in the central area of the capital and the enshrinement of sarira from Shakyamuni Buddha and the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經). This paper provides a summary of this examination and suggests future research directions. The second chapter of the paper discusses the scriptural background for thirteen-story stone pagodas from multiple perspectives. I was the first to specify the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra (大般涅槃經後分) as the most direct and fundamental scripture for the erection of a thirteen-story stone pagoda. I also found that this sutra was translated in Central Java in the latter half of the seventh century and was then circulated in East Asia. Moreover, I focused on the so-called Kanishka-style stupa as the origin of thirteen-story stone pagodas and provided an overview of thirteen-story stone pagodas built around East Asia, including in Korea. In addition, by consulting Buddhist references, I prove that the thirteen stories symbolize the stages of the practice of asceticism towards enlightenment. In this regard, the number thirteen can be viewed as a special and sacred number to Buddhist devotees. The third chapter explores the Buddhist background of King Sejo's establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple. I studied both the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms (翻譯名義集) (which King Sejo personally purchased in China and published for the first time in Korea) and the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment. King Sejo involved himself in the first translation of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment into Korean. The Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms was published in the fourteenth century as a type of Buddhist glossary. King Sejo is presumed to have been introduced to the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra, the fundamental scripture regarding thirteen-story pagodas, through the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms, when he was set to erect a pagoda at Wongaksa Temple. King Sejo also enshrined the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment inside the Wongaksa pagoda as a scripture representing the entire Tripitaka. This enshrined sutra appears to be the vernacular version for which King Sejo participated in the first Korean translation. Furthermore, I assert that the original text of the vernacular version is the Abridged Commentary on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經略疏) by Zongmi (宗密, 780-841), different from what has been previously believed. The final chapter of the paper elucidates the political semantics of the establishment of the Wongaksa pagoda by comparing and examining stone pagodas erected at neungsa (陵寺) or jinjeonsawon (眞殿寺院), which were types of temples built to protect the tombs of royal family members near their tombs during the early Joseon period. These stone pagodas include the Thirteen-story Pagoda of Gyeongcheonsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Gaegyeongsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Yeongyeongsa Temple, and the Multi-story Stone Pagoda of Silleuksa Temple. The comparative analysis of these stone pagodas reveals that King Sejo established the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda at Wongaksa Temple as a political emblem to legitimize his succession to the throne. In this paper, I attempt to better understand the scriptural and political semantics of the Wongaksa pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. By providing a Korean case study, this attempt will contribute to the understanding of Buddhist pagoda culture that reached its peak during the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods. It also contributes to the research on thirteen-story pagodas in East Asia that originated with Kanishka stupa and were based on the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
• /
• v.7 no.1
• /
• pp.1-28
• /
• 1974

The writers have conducted the investigation to assess the nutritional status of young rural Korean children aged from 0 to 4 years old in August 1971. The survey areas were Kaejong-myon. Daeya-myon, Okku-gun, Jeonra-bukdo, Korea. These survey areas were typical agricultural plain areas. The total numbers of children examined were 2,706 comprising 1,394 male and 1,312 female. The weight, height, and chest circumference of children were measured and means and standard deviations. were calculated for each measurement. In addition, the nutritional status of each child was classified by the four levels of malnutrition and the Gomez classification, The examination of red blood cell count, haematocrit value, and intestinal parasite infection were carried out at the same time. In general, recent work tend to suggest that environmental influences, especially nutrition, are of great importance than genetic background or other biological factors for physical growth and development. Certainly the physical dimensions of the body are much influenced by nutrition, particularly in the rapidly growing period of early childhood. Selected body measurements can therefore give valuable information concerning protein-calory malnutrition. Growth can also be affected by bacterial, viral, and parasitic infection. For the field workers in a developing country, therefore, nutritional anthropometry appears to be of greatest value in the assessment of growth failure and undernutrition, principally from lack of protein and calories. In order to compare and evaluate the data obtained, the optimal data of growth from the off-spring of the true well-fed, medically and socially protected are needed. So-called 'Standards' that have been compiled for preschool children in Korea, however, are based on measurement of children from middle or lower socio-economic groups, who are, in fact, usually undernourished from six months of age onwards and continuously exposed to a succession of infective and parasitic diseases. So that, the Harvard Standards which is one of the international reference standards was used as the reference standards in this study. Findings of the survey were as follows: A. Anthropometric data: 1) Comparing the mean values for body weight obtained with the Korean standard weight of the same age, the rural Korean children were slightly haevier than the Korean standard values in both sexes. Comparing with the Japanese children values, the rural Korean children were slightly haevier in male and in the infant period of female but lighter in female of the period of 1 to 4 years old than Japanese children. 2) Comparing the mean values for height obtained with the Korean standard height of the same age, the rural Korean children were taller than the Korean standard values except the second half of infatn period in both sexes. Comparing with the Japanese children, the rural Korean children were slightly smaller than Japanese children except the first half of infant peroid in both sexes. 3) Mear values of chest circumference of rural Korean children obtained were less than the Korean standard values of the same ages in both sexes. B. Prevalence of Protein-Calory Malnutrition: Children examined were devided into two groups, i. e., infant(up to the first birthday) and toddler (1 to 4 fears old). 1) Percentages of four levels of malnutrition: a) When the nutrtional status of each child was classified (1) by body weight value, the percentages for male and female of children attained standard growth were 52.8%(infant 83.3%, toddler 44.4%) and 39.7% (infant 74.5%. toddler 30.5%), the first level of malnutrition were 31.9%(infant 13.7%, toddler 36.9%) and 31.7%(infant 15.3%, toddler 36,0%), the second level of malnutrition were 12.3%(infant 1.7%, toddler 15.3%) and 23.3% (infant 7.7%, fodder 27.5%), the third level of malnutrition were 2.7%(infant 0.7%, toddler 3.2%) and 4.6%(infant 1.8%, toddler 5.3%) the fourth level of malnutrition were 0.3% (infant 0.7%, toddler 0.2%) and 0.7% (0.7% for infant and toddler) respectively. (2) by height value, the percentages for male and female of children attained standard growth were 80.3% (infant 97.3%, toddler 75.6%) and 75.1% (infant 96.4%, toddler 69.5), the first level of malnutrition were 17.9% (infant 2.0%, toddler 22.3%) and 23.6% (infants 3.6%, toddler 28.8%), the second level of malnutrition were 1.2% (infant 0.3%, toddler 1.5%) and 1.1% (infant 0%, toddler 1.4%), the third level of malnutrition were 0.4%(infant 0.3%, toddler 0.5%) and 0.2%(infant 0%, toddler 0.3%), the fourth level of malnutrition were 0.1%(infant 0%, toddler 0.1%) and 0% respectively. (3) by body weight in relation to height, the percentages for male and female of children attained standard growth were 87.9% (infant 77.6%, toddler 87.9%) and 78.2% (infant 77.4%, toddler 78.2%), the first level of malnutrition were 12.2% (infant 18.4%, toddler 10.6%) and 18.2% (infant 17.9%, toddler 18.3%), the second level of malnutrition were 1.9%(infant 3.3%, toddler 1.5%) and 3.0%(infant 3.3%, toddler 2.9%), the third level of malnutrition were 0.1%(infant 0%. toddler 0.1%) and 0.5% (infant 0%, toddler 0.6%), the fourth level of malnutrition were 0.1%(infant 0.7%, toddler 0%) and 0.3% (infant 1.5%, toddler 0%) respectively. b) When the nutritional status of each child according to the mother's age at perturition, i. e., young aged mother (up to 30 years old), middle aged mother (31 to 40 years old) and old aged mother (41 years or above) was classified (1) by body weight, among infants and toddlers, at each year of age, with increasing the mother's age, there was an increase in percentage of subjects underweight. This tendency of increasing percentage of underweight was more significant in the infant period than the toddler period. (2) by height value, no significant differences between each mother's age group were found. c) When the nutritional status of each child according to the birth rank, i. e., lower birth rank (first to third) and higher birth rank (fourth or above) was classified (1) by weight value, children of higher birth rank were slightly more often underweight than those of lower birth rank, but not significant. (2) by height value, no differences were found between children of lower and higher birth rank. 2) Gomez Classification: When the nutritional status of each child was classified a) by body weight value, the percentages for male and female of children. attained standard growth were 53.1% (infant 82.6%, toddler 44.9%) and 39.2% (infant 73.4%, toddler 30.1%), the first degree of malnutrition were 39.4% (infant 14.7%, toddler 46.2%) and 47.1% (infant 21.9%, toddler 53.8%), the second degree of malnutrition were 7.3%(infant 2.3%, toddler 8.6%) and 12.9% (infant 4.0%, toddler 15.2%). and the third degree of malnutrition were 0.2%. (infant 0.3%, toddler 0.2%) and 0.8% (infant 0.7%, toddler 0.9%) respectively. b) by height value, the percentages for male and female of children attained standard growth were 80.8% (infant 97.0%, toddler 76.3%) and 73.8%(infant 95.6%, toddler 68.0%), the first degree of malnutrition were 18.5% (infant 2.7%, toddler 22.9%) and 24.6% (infant 4.4%, toddler 30.0%), the second degree of malnutrition were 0.6%(infant 0.3%, toddler 0.7%) and 0.5% (infant 0.1%, toddler 0.7%), and the third degree of malnutrition were 0.1%(infant 0%, toddler 0.1%) and 1.1% (infant 0%, toddler 1.3%) respectively. C. Results of clinical laboratory examination: 1) Red blood cells: The ranges of mean red blood cell counts for male and female were $3,538,000/mm^3\;to\;4,403,000/mm^3\;and\;3,576,000/mm^3\;to\;4,483,000/mm^3$ respectively. The lowest red cell counts were seen at the age of 0-3 months for male and 1-2 months for female. 2) Haematocrit value : The ranges of haematocrit value of male and female were 35.1% to 38.8% and 34.7% to 38.8% respectively. The lowest haematocrit values were seen at the age of 2-3 months for male and 1-2, months for female. 3) The prevalence rates of intestinal parasites for male and female children with Ascaris lumbricoides were 34.1% (infant 18.8%, toddler 38.1%) and 36.0%(infant 18.4%, toddler 40.7%), with Trichocephalus trichiuris were 6.8% (infant 2.9%, toddler 7.9%) and 9.0% (infant 3.0%, toddler 10.6%), with Hookworm were 0.3% (infant 0.5%, toddler 0.2%) and 0.3% (infant 0.5%, toddler 0.3%), with Clonorchis sinensis were 0.4%(infant 0%, toddler 0.5%) and 0.1%(infant 0%, toddler 0.1%) respectively.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.27 no.2
• /
• pp.37-76
• /
• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.