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The oldest Maehyang-bi (埋香碑) of Memorial Inscriptions existing on record; Yeong-am's 'Jeongwon (貞元)' Stone Monument (현존 최고(最古)의 매향비(埋香碑): 영암 정원명(貞元銘) 석비(石碑))

  • Sung, Yungil
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.54 no.1
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    • pp.70-99
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    • 2021
  • Yeong-am's 'Jeongwon (貞元)' stone monument, designated as the Jeollanam-do Cultural Heritage, is considered to be the oldest of the epigraphs in Jeollanam-do. Immediately after the discovery, the possibility of it being a Maehyangbi of Memorial Inscriptions was mentioned and attracted attention. However, there is an absolute age of the 'Jeongwon (貞元) of 2 years' (786), so despite it is a relatively early epigraph (金石文), there are not many papers on the theme related to this stone monument. I believe that this stone monument is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). While reviewing and comparing the results of the existing research, I decoded the text from the 42nd character of the 4th line. As a result of the review, that was conducted, it was confirmed that this stone monument is truly a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). In particular, it was recorded in the literature of the late Joseon Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記) that the letters of the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) are not recognizable. However, it is clearly stated that this stone monument is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). Although there is no common expression for 'bury (埋)' or 'incense burial (埋香)' in the traditional Maehyangbi (埋香碑), which were popular in the late Goryeo and early Joseon Periods, it can be seen that it is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑) from the words "hide (呑藏)" and "10 bundles of fragrant incense (合香十束)" that are engraved on the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon.' In other words, it is thought that it meant 'hide (呑藏)' instead of 'bury (埋)'. Circumstantial evidence for the monument of Jingamseonsa (眞鑑禪師), built in 888, contains the an epigraph from the Unified Silla Era. There is a phrase on it that says 'Plant incense on the shore (海岸植香)' on the monument of Jingamseonsa (眞鑑禪師), and it conveys its meaning without using the character 'bury (埋)'. As a result of the absence of the character 'bury (埋)' on the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon', it is not considered as a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). However, there is evidence that the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon (貞元)' is in fact a Maehyangbi (埋香碑) and it is also in the Geumpyoseok (禁標石; Forbidden Stone) around Gukjangsaeng (國長生) and at the entrance of Dogapsa Temple (道甲寺). The letters written on the gold sign suggest the possibility that the charcoal used to burn incense (香炭) at the royal tombs of King Jeongjo (正祖) was produced around at Dogapsa Temple (道甲寺) in Wolchulsan (月出山). Since the charcoal used to burn incense (香炭) is naturally related to incense (香), it has been shown that the area around Wolchulsan, where Dogapsa Temple is located, has a long history related to incense (香). The letters visible on the stone monument, the record of Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記) in the late Joseon Dynasty, and the letters on the Geompyoseok (禁標石; Forbidden Stone), all show that the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon (貞元)' is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). Considering the fact that the earliest Maehyangbi (埋香碑) in existence is the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) in Yeongam (靈巖) Ippam-ri (笠巖里), which has two dates from 1371 at the end of Goryeo and 1410 at the beginning of Joseon, the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon' which was set up in 786, would be the oldest Maehyangbi (埋香碑) that we know of. In addition, there is a historical significance in that the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) is proven in the record of Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記), a document from the late Joseon period.

Tosa Mitsuyoshi's Screen Paintings Gathering on the Year's First "Day of the Rat" and Boating on the Oi River from the National Museum of Korea (국립중앙박물관 소장 도사 미쓰요시(土佐光芳) 필(筆) <무라사키노 자일 놀이(紫野子日遊圖)·오이강 유람도 병풍(大井川遊覽圖屛風)> 시론)

  • Jung, Miyeon
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.98
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    • pp.176-199
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    • 2020
  • In 2018, the National Museum of Korea purchased a pair of Japanese folding screens, respectively entitled Gathering on the Year's First "Day of the Rat" and Boating on the Oi River. Both of these two screens (hereinafter collectively referred to as the "NMK edition") have a gold background that bears the seal and ink inscription of Tosa Mitsuyoshi (1700-1772), who served as edokoro azukari, a painter in the court of Kyoto. According to the seller in New York, the screens were brought from Japan to the United States in the early twentieth century, but no other details are known. Each folding screen has six panels. The screen on the right (i.e., Gathering…) depicts "nenohi no asobi," an annual event conducted on the first "day of the rat" (according to the Asian zodiacal calendar), wherein the Kyoto imperial court ventured to the woods to gather pine seedlings. The left screen (i.e., Boating…) shows three boats traveling down the Oi River in Kyoto, representing the ritual known as "mifune" (literally, "three boats"), which involves three boats representing Chinese classical poetry (kansi), Japanese classical poetry (waka), and Japanese imperial music and dance (gagaku). Notably, these two screens are identical in theme and iconography to two screens with the same respective titles that were commissioned by Emperor Komei (1831-1867) and painted by Ukita Ikkei (1795-1859), an artist of the Yamato-e Revivalist School (fukko yamato-e), now in the collection of Sennyu-ji Temple in Kyoto (hereinafter collectively referred to as the "Sennyu edition"). While both of these themes have been painted independently numerous times, the NMK edition and Sennyu edition are the only known cases of the themes being painted as a single set. According to Diary of Official Business Between the Court and Shogunate (the journal of a court official named Hirohashi Kanetane, 1715-1781), Tosa Mitsuyoshi was commissioned in 1760 to replace the fusuma (rectangular sliding panels) of Tsunegoten, one of the buildings of the Kyoto Imperial Palace, which had been built in 1709. Notably, records show that Tsunegoten once contained a series of fusuma painted by an artist of the Kano school on the themes "Outdoor Procession on a Spring Day" and "Three Boats Cruising on the Oi River." Hence, it seems probable that Tosa Mitsuyoshi was influenced by the theme and iconography of the existing fusuma in producing his own folding screens depicting the court's visit to the forest and a cruise on the Oi River. While the practice of collecting pine seedlings on the first "rat day" of the year was an auspicious event to pray for longevity, the mifune ritual was intended to honor the greatest talents of the three aforementioned arts, which were of crucial importance to the court of Kyoto. Folding screens with such auspicious themes were commonly featured at the ceremony to enthrone the emperor or empress. Significantly, the Diary of Official Business Between the Court and Shogunate also records that Tosa Mitsuyoshi, while working as a court artist, produced two pairs of folding screens for the coronation of Empress Go Sakuramachi (1762-1771), which was held in 1763. Hence, research suggests that the NMK edition is one of the pairs of royal folding screens produced at that time.

A Study on the Characteristics of Stream Flow Path and Water System Distribution in Gugok Garden, Korea (한국 구곡원림(九曲園林)의 하천 유로 및 수계별 분포 특성)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Choi, Young-Hyun
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.39 no.4
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    • pp.50-65
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    • 2021
  • In this study, the water flow system by measuring the flow-way type and distance of flow path that composes the Gugok through literature survey, field survey, and map work on Gugok gardens in Korea whose existence has been confirmed, while investigating and analyzing watersheds, river orders, and river grades. It was intended to reveal the watershed distribution and stream morphological characteristics of the Gugok gardens and to use them as basic data for future enjoyment and conservation of the Gugok gardens. The conclusion of the study is as follows. First, Of the 93 Gugok gardens that have been confirmed to exist, it was found that 11 places(11.8%) were found to have a descending(top-down) type of Gugok that develops while descending along a stream. Second, As a result of analysis of the length of the flow path for each valley, Okryudonggugok(玉流洞九曲, Namsan-gugok) in Gimcheon, Gyeongsangbuk-do was found to have the shortest length of 0.44km among the surveyed valleys, while the flow distance of Muheulgugok(武屹九曲) located in Seongju-gun and Gimcheon-si, Gyeongsangbuk-do was 31.1km, showing the longest flowing distance. The average flow path length of the Gugok Garden in Korea was 6.24km, and the standard deviation was 4.63km, indicating that the deviation between the 'curved type'e and the 'valley type' was severe. In addition, 14(15.1%) Gugok gardens were found to be partially submerged due to dam construction. Third, As a result of analyzing the waters area where Gugok garden is located, the number of Nakdong river basins was much higher at 52 sites(55.9%), followed by the Hangang river basin at 27 sites(28.7%), the Geum river basin at 9 sites(9.7%), and the Yeongsan river and Seomjin river basins at 5(5.4%). Fourth, All Gugok gardens located in the Han river region were classified as the Han river system, and the Gugok garden located on the Nakdong river was classified as the main Nakdong river system, except for 7 places including 5 places in the Nakdong Gangnam Sea water system and 2 places in the Nakdong Gangdong sea water system. As a result of synthesizing the river order of the flow path where Gugok garden is located, Gugok, which uses the main stream as the base of Gugok, is 3 places in the Hangang water system, 5 places in the Nakdong river system, 2 places in the Geumgang water system, and 1 place in the Yeongsangam/Seomjin river system. A total of 11 locations(11.5%) were found, including 36 locations(38.2%) in the first branch, 29 locations(31.2%) in the second branch, and 16 locations(17.0%) in the third branch. And Gugok garden, located on the 4th tributary, was found to be Taehwa Five-gok(太華五曲) set in Yonghwacheon Stream in Cheorwon in the Han river system, and Hoenggyegok(橫溪九曲) in Yeongcheon Hoenggye Stream in the Nakdong river system. Fifth, As a result of the river grade analysis of the rivers located in the Gugok garden Forest, the grades of the rivers located in the Gugok garden were 13 national rivers(14.0%), 7 local first-class rivers(7.5%), and 74 local second-class rivers(78.5%) was shown.

A Study on the Meaning of 'Gyoun' and Earlier Variations of Chapter One of 'Gyoun' in The Canonical Scripture (『전경(典經)』 「교운(敎運)」편 1장에 나타난 교운의 의미와 구절의 변이 연구)

  • Ko, Nam-sik
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.36
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    • pp.153-199
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    • 2020
  • The teachings of Sangje teachings have been spread to humanity and were provided as basis for building the earthly paradise due to His having performed the Reordering Works of the Universe (Cheonjigongsa) for nine years. The work that remains will be completed year by year following the cosmic program that Sangje set for the universe. The chapters titled 'Gyoun (Progress of the Order)' in Jeon-gyeong (The Canonical Scripture) can be summarized into three parts: Viewing Gyoun, Spreading Gyoun, and Establishing the firm ground of Gyoun. Viewing Gyoun is seeing how the teachings would be transmitted from the beginning to end. The work of Gyoun was established by Sangje and promoted as the teachings of Sangje which will ultimately unfold into the realization of an earthly paradise. Spreading Gyoun is performed by disciples who received the teachings from Sangje and then the successor to whom Sangje transmitted the religious authority. Since chapter two of Gyoun is about the hagiography of Doju Jo Jeongsan, it is shown that Doju unfolded and developed Sangje's teachings. Establishing the firm ground of Gyoun is carried out to enable practitioners to understand that Dotong-gunja ('Dao-Empowered Sages,' Earthly Immortals) will be produced as a result of Sangje's Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth and that humans can perfect themselves through cultivating the Dao. In conclusion, Gyoun can be summarized as a process that started during Doju Jo Jeongsan's 50 years (1909~1958) of holy works and spreading of the teachings. Next, it was continued through the time of Dojeon who was bestowed with religious authority through Doju's last words. Dojeon, like Doju before him, spread the teachings. In later times, there will be Dotong-gunjas who transmit Sangje's teachings to the whole world. Although the above characterizations are accurate, I compared some verses from Chapter 1 of Progress of the Order (Gyoun) in The Canonical Scripture (Jeon-gyeong) of Daesoon Jinrihoe to the 6 th edition (1965) of Daesoon Jeongyeong, a key scripture from the earliest strata of Jeungsanist scriptures, and found that there were a few earlier variations of the same content. The use of words and sentences were different though in several of these verses. Also, some of the verses indicated alternative historical dates (years), and some of the verses from Chapter 1 of Progress of the Order from The Canonical Scripture do not appear anywhere in the 6th edition of Daesoon Jeong-gyeong.

Changes in the Religious Topography of the Great Gwanghaegun: Policies towards Buddhism and the Affected Buddhist Community (광해군 대(代)의 종교지형 변동 - 불교정책과 불교계의 양상을 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Jong-woo
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.36
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    • pp.227-266
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    • 2020
  • The purpose of this paper is to review the representative Buddhist policies enforced during the reign of Gwanghaegun (光海君), the 15th king of the Joseon Dynasty, and the aspects of the Buddhist community affected by them. Through this, the influence and dynamism of Buddhism during the reign of Gwanghaegun will be revealed. Some of the findings will run contrary to what is popularly known about Joseon Buddhism and the policy of Sungyueokbul (崇儒抑佛), 'Revering Confucianism and Supressing Buddhism.' During the Joseon Dynasty, Neo-Confucianism was taken as an ideological background, and consequently, Buddhism was ostracized by the ruling class who advocated the exclusion of heretical views. This also characterized King Gwanghaegun's reign during the Mid-Joseon Dynasty. In reality though, the ruling class held mixed opinions about Buddhism, and this influenced the Buddhist community in the Gwanghaegun Period. The military might of Japan demonstrated during the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, led the ruling class to recognize Buddhism, and as a result, the status of Buddhism rose to a certain extent. Based on its elevated status and the aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Korea, the Buddhist community engaged in social welfare activities inspired by the notion of requiting favors, and the Buddhist community gained recognition for providing relief services. As a result, the number of monks increased, and the economic situation improved as land ownership was granted to temples and monks. This is the means by which the Japanese Invasion of Korea influenced the Buddhist policies of the Gwanghaegun Period and changed the religious topography of Buddhism. During the reign of King Gwanghaegun, the ruling class regarded Buddhism as heretical, but offered posthumous titles to monks who engaged in meritorious services during the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Favorable and/or preferential treatment was also granted to some Buddhist monks. In addition, monks began to perform labor projects that demanded organizational and physical strength, such as those which related to national defense and architecture. However, throughout the Gwanghaegun Period, the monks were paid a certain amount of compensation for their labor, and the monks' responsibility for labor increased. This can be understood as a partial reconciliation with Buddhism or an acceptance of Buddhism rather than the suppression of Buddhism often presented by historians. As for policies which affected Buddhism, the Buddhist community showed signs of cooperation with the ruling class, the creation and reconstruction of temples, and the production of Buddhist art. Through close ties with the ruling class, Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period saw the Buddhist community actively responded policies that impacted Buddhism, and this allowed their religious orders to be maintained. In this way, it was also confirmed that the monk, Buhyu Seonsu (浮休 善修) and his disciple Byeogam Gakseong (碧巖 覺性), took up leadership roles in their Buddhist community. The Buddhist-aimed policies of Gwanghaegun were implemented against the backdrop of the Buddhist community, wherein the ruling class held mixed opinions regarding Buddhism. As such, both improvements and set backs for Buddhism could be observed during that time period. The ruling class actively utilized the organizational power of Buddhism for national defense and civil engineering after the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Out of gratitude, they implemented appropriate compensation for the Buddhists involved. The Buddhist community also responded to policies that affected them through exchanges with the ruling class. They succeeded in securing funds and support to repair and produce Buddhist temples and artworks. A thoughtful inspection of the policies towards and responses to Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period, shows that Buddhism actually enjoyed considerable organizational power and influence. This flies in the face of the general description of Joseon Buddhism as "Sungyueokbul (revering Confucianism and supressing Buddhism)."

Target-Aspect-Sentiment Joint Detection with CNN Auxiliary Loss for Aspect-Based Sentiment Analysis (CNN 보조 손실을 이용한 차원 기반 감성 분석)

  • Jeon, Min Jin;Hwang, Ji Won;Kim, Jong Woo
    • Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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    • v.27 no.4
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    • pp.1-22
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    • 2021
  • Aspect Based Sentiment Analysis (ABSA), which analyzes sentiment based on aspects that appear in the text, is drawing attention because it can be used in various business industries. ABSA is a study that analyzes sentiment by aspects for multiple aspects that a text has. It is being studied in various forms depending on the purpose, such as analyzing all targets or just aspects and sentiments. Here, the aspect refers to the property of a target, and the target refers to the text that causes the sentiment. For example, for restaurant reviews, you could set the aspect into food taste, food price, quality of service, mood of the restaurant, etc. Also, if there is a review that says, "The pasta was delicious, but the salad was not," the words "steak" and "salad," which are directly mentioned in the sentence, become the "target." So far, in ABSA, most studies have analyzed sentiment only based on aspects or targets. However, even with the same aspects or targets, sentiment analysis may be inaccurate. Instances would be when aspects or sentiment are divided or when sentiment exists without a target. For example, sentences like, "Pizza and the salad were good, but the steak was disappointing." Although the aspect of this sentence is limited to "food," conflicting sentiments coexist. In addition, in the case of sentences such as "Shrimp was delicious, but the price was extravagant," although the target here is "shrimp," there are opposite sentiments coexisting that are dependent on the aspect. Finally, in sentences like "The food arrived too late and is cold now." there is no target (NULL), but it transmits a negative sentiment toward the aspect "service." Like this, failure to consider both aspects and targets - when sentiment or aspect is divided or when sentiment exists without a target - creates a dual dependency problem. To address this problem, this research analyzes sentiment by considering both aspects and targets (Target-Aspect-Sentiment Detection, hereby TASD). This study detected the limitations of existing research in the field of TASD: local contexts are not fully captured, and the number of epochs and batch size dramatically lowers the F1-score. The current model excels in spotting overall context and relations between each word. However, it struggles with phrases in the local context and is relatively slow when learning. Therefore, this study tries to improve the model's performance. To achieve the objective of this research, we additionally used auxiliary loss in aspect-sentiment classification by constructing CNN(Convolutional Neural Network) layers parallel to existing models. If existing models have analyzed aspect-sentiment through BERT encoding, Pooler, and Linear layers, this research added CNN layer-adaptive average pooling to existing models, and learning was progressed by adding additional loss values for aspect-sentiment to existing loss. In other words, when learning, the auxiliary loss, computed through CNN layers, allowed the local context to be captured more fitted. After learning, the model is designed to do aspect-sentiment analysis through the existing method. To evaluate the performance of this model, two datasets, SemEval-2015 task 12 and SemEval-2016 task 5, were used and the f1-score increased compared to the existing models. When the batch was 8 and epoch was 5, the difference was largest between the F1-score of existing models and this study with 29 and 45, respectively. Even when batch and epoch were adjusted, the F1-scores were higher than the existing models. It can be said that even when the batch and epoch numbers were small, they can be learned effectively compared to the existing models. Therefore, it can be useful in situations where resources are limited. Through this study, aspect-based sentiments can be more accurately analyzed. Through various uses in business, such as development or establishing marketing strategies, both consumers and sellers will be able to make efficient decisions. In addition, it is believed that the model can be fully learned and utilized by small businesses, those that do not have much data, given that they use a pre-training model and recorded a relatively high F1-score even with limited resources.

A Study on the Wooden Seated Vairocana Tri-kaya Buddha Images in the Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa Temple (화엄사 대웅전 목조비로자나삼신 불좌상에 대한 고찰)

  • Choe, Songeun
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.100
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    • pp.140-170
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    • 2021
  • This paper investigates the Wooden Seated Tri-kaya Buddha Images(三身佛像) of Vairocana, Rushana, and Sakyamuni enshrined in Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa temple(華嚴寺) in Gurae, South Cheolla Province. They were produced in 1634 CE and placed in 1635 CE, about forty years after original images made in the Goryeo period were destroyed by the Japanese army during the war. The reconstruction of Hwaeomsa was conducted by Gakseong, one of the leading monks of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, who also conducted the reconstructions of many Buddhist temples after the war. In 2015, a prayer text (dated 1635) concerning the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was found in the repository within Sakyamuni Buddha. It lists the names of participants, including royal family members (i.e., prince Yi Guang, the eighth son of King Seon-jo), and their relatives (i.e., Sin Ik-seong, son-in-law of King Seonjo), court ladies, monk-sculptors, and large numbers of monks and laymen Buddhists. A prayer text (dated 1634) listing the names of monk-sculptors written on the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushana Buddha was also found. A recent investigation into the repository within Rushana Buddha in 2020 CE has revealed a prayer text listing participants producing these images, similar to the former one from Sakyamuni Buddha, together with sacred relics of hoo-ryeong-tong copper bottle and a large quantity of Sutra books. These new materials opened a way to understand Hwaeomsa Trikaya images, including who made them and when they were made. The two above-mentioned prayer texts from the repository of Sakyamuni and Rushana Buddha statues, and the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushan Buddha tell us that eighteen monk-sculptors, including Eungwon, Cheongheon and Ingyun, who were well-known monk artisans of the 17th century, took part in the construction of these images. As a matter of fact, Cheongheon belonged to a different workshop from Eungwon and Ingyun, who were most likely teacher and disciple or senior and junior colleagues, which means that the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was a collaboration between sculptors from two workshops. Eungwon and Ingyun seem to have belonged to the same community studying under the great Buddhist priest Seonsu, the teacher of Monk Gakseong who was in charge of the reconstruction of Haweonsa temple. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images show a big head, a squarish face with plump cheeks, narrow and drooping shoulders, and a short waist, which depict significant differences in body proportion to those of other Buddha statues of the first half of 17th century, which typically have wide shoulders and long waists. The body proportion shown in the Hwaeomsa images could be linked with images of late Goryeo and early Joseon period. Rushana Buddha, raising his two arms in a preaching hand gesture and wearing a crown and bracelets, shows unique iconography of the Bodhisattva form. This iconography of Rushana Buddha had appeared in a few Sutra paintings of Northern Song and Late Goryeo period of 13th and 14th century. BodhaSri-mudra of Vairocana Buddha, unlike the general type of BodhaSri-mudra that shows the right hand holding the left index finger, places his right hand upon the left hand in a fist. It is similar to that of Vairocana images of Northern and Southern Song, whose left hand is placed on the top of right hand in a fist. This type of mudra was most likely introduced during the Goryeo period. The dried lacquer Seated Vairocana image of Bulheosa Temple in Naju is datable to late Goryeo period, and exhibits similar forms of the mudra. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images also show new iconographic aspects, as well as traditional stylistic and iconographic features. The earth-touching (bhumisparsa) mudra of Sakymuni Buddha, putting his left thumb close to the middle finger, as if to make a preaching mudra, can be regarded as a new aspect that was influenced by the Sutra illustrations of the Ming dynasty, which were imported by the royal court of Joseon dynasty and most likely had an impact on Joseon Buddhist art from the 15th and 16th centuries. Stylistic and iconographical features of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images indicate that the traditional aspects of Goryeo period and new iconography of Joseon period are rendered together, side by side, in these sculptures. The coexistence of old and new aspects in one set of images could indicate that monk sculptors tried to find a new way to produce Hwaeomsa images based on the old traditional style of Goryeo period when the original Tri-kaya Buddha images were made, although some new iconography popular in Joseon period was also employed in the images. It is also probable that monk sculptors of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images intended to reconstruct these images following the original images of Goryeo period, which was recollected by surviving monks at Hwaeomsa, who had witnessed the original Tri-kaya Buddha images.

King Sejo's Establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple and Its Semantics (세조의 원각사13층석탑 건립과 그 의미체계)

  • Nam, Dongsin
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.101
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    • pp.12-46
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    • 2022
  • Completed in 1467, the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple is the last Buddhist pagoda erected at the center of the capital (present-day Seoul) of the Joseon Dynasty. It was commissioned by King Sejo, the final Korean king to favor Buddhism. In this paper, I aim to examine King Sejo's intentions behind celebrating the tenth anniversary of his enthronement with the construction of the thirteen-story stone pagoda in the central area of the capital and the enshrinement of sarira from Shakyamuni Buddha and the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經). This paper provides a summary of this examination and suggests future research directions. The second chapter of the paper discusses the scriptural background for thirteen-story stone pagodas from multiple perspectives. I was the first to specify the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra (大般涅槃經後分) as the most direct and fundamental scripture for the erection of a thirteen-story stone pagoda. I also found that this sutra was translated in Central Java in the latter half of the seventh century and was then circulated in East Asia. Moreover, I focused on the so-called Kanishka-style stupa as the origin of thirteen-story stone pagodas and provided an overview of thirteen-story stone pagodas built around East Asia, including in Korea. In addition, by consulting Buddhist references, I prove that the thirteen stories symbolize the stages of the practice of asceticism towards enlightenment. In this regard, the number thirteen can be viewed as a special and sacred number to Buddhist devotees. The third chapter explores the Buddhist background of King Sejo's establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple. I studied both the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms (翻譯名義集) (which King Sejo personally purchased in China and published for the first time in Korea) and the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment. King Sejo involved himself in the first translation of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment into Korean. The Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms was published in the fourteenth century as a type of Buddhist glossary. King Sejo is presumed to have been introduced to the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra, the fundamental scripture regarding thirteen-story pagodas, through the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms, when he was set to erect a pagoda at Wongaksa Temple. King Sejo also enshrined the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment inside the Wongaksa pagoda as a scripture representing the entire Tripitaka. This enshrined sutra appears to be the vernacular version for which King Sejo participated in the first Korean translation. Furthermore, I assert that the original text of the vernacular version is the Abridged Commentary on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經略疏) by Zongmi (宗密, 780-841), different from what has been previously believed. The final chapter of the paper elucidates the political semantics of the establishment of the Wongaksa pagoda by comparing and examining stone pagodas erected at neungsa (陵寺) or jinjeonsawon (眞殿寺院), which were types of temples built to protect the tombs of royal family members near their tombs during the early Joseon period. These stone pagodas include the Thirteen-story Pagoda of Gyeongcheonsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Gaegyeongsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Yeongyeongsa Temple, and the Multi-story Stone Pagoda of Silleuksa Temple. The comparative analysis of these stone pagodas reveals that King Sejo established the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda at Wongaksa Temple as a political emblem to legitimize his succession to the throne. In this paper, I attempt to better understand the scriptural and political semantics of the Wongaksa pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. By providing a Korean case study, this attempt will contribute to the understanding of Buddhist pagoda culture that reached its peak during the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods. It also contributes to the research on thirteen-story pagodas in East Asia that originated with Kanishka stupa and were based on the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra.

Varietal and Locational Variation of Grain Quality Components of Rice Produced n Middle and Southern Plain Areas in Korea (중ㆍ남부 평야지산 발 형태 및 이화학적 특성의 품종 및 산지간 변이)

  • Choi, Hae-Chune;Chi, Jeong-Hyun;Lee, Chong-Seob;Kim, Young-Bae;Cho, Soo-Yeon
    • KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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    • v.39 no.1
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    • pp.15-26
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    • 1994
  • To understand the relative contribution of varietal and environmental variation on various grain quality components in rice, grain appearance, milling recovery, several physicochemical properties of rice grain and texture or palatability of cooked rice for milled rice materials of seven cultivars(five japonica & two Tongil-type), produced at six locations of the middle and southern plain area of Korea in 1989, were evaluated and analyzed the obtained data. Highly significant varietal variations were detected in all grain quality components of the rice materials and marked locational variations with about 14-54% portion of total variation were recognized in grain appearance, milling recovery, alkali digestibility, protein content, K /Mg ratio, gelatinization temperature, breakdown and setback viscosities. Variations of variety x location interaction were especially large in overall palatability score of cooked rice and consistency or set- back viscosities of amylograph. Tongil-type cultivars showed poor marketing quality, lower milling recovery, slightly lower alkali digestibility and amylose content, a little higher protein content and K /Mg ratio, relatively higher peak, breakdown and consistency viscosities, significantly lower setback viscosity, and more undesirable palatability of cooked rice compared with japonica rices. The japonica rice varieties possessing good palatability of cooked rice were slightly low in protein content and a little high in K /Mg ratio and stickiness /hardness ratio of cooked rice. Rice 1000-kernel weight was significantly heavier in rice materials produced in Iri lowland compared with other locations. Milling recovery from rough to brown rice and ripening quality were lowest in Milyang late-planted rice while highest in Iri lowland and Gyehwa reclaimed-land rice. Amylose content of milled rice was about 1% lower in Gyehwa rice compared with other locations. Protein content of polished rice was about 1% lower in rice materials of middle plain area than those of southern plain regions. K/Mg ratio of milled rice was lowest in Iri rice while highest in Milyang rice. Alkali digestibility was highest in Milyang rice while lowest in Honam plain rice, but the temperature of gelatinization initiation of rice flour in amylograph was lowest in Suwon and Iri rices while highest in Milyang rice. Breakdown viscosity was lowest in Milyang rice and next lower in Ichon lowland rice while highest in Gyehwa and Iri rices, and setback viscosity was the contrary tendency. The stickiness/hardness ratio of cooked rice was slightly lower in southern-plain rices than in middle-plain ones, and the palatability of cooked rice was best in Namyang reclaimed-land rice and next better with the order of Suwon$\geq$Iri$\geq$Ichon$\geq$Gyehwa$\geq$Milyang rices. The rice materials can be classified genotypically into two ecotypes of japonica and Tongil-type rice groups, and environmentally into three regions of Milyang, middle and Honam lowland by the distribution on the plane of 1st and 2nd principal components contracted from eleven grain quality properties closely associated with palatability of cooked rice by principal component analysis.

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Understanding Human Nobility Epoch, the Prerequisite of the Era of Resolution of Grievances (해원시대를 전제하는 인존시대에 대한 이해)

  • Park, Yong-cheol
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.27
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    • pp.135-169
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    • 2016
  • While examining the religious ideas implied by Jeungsan's Great Works of the Reordering of Universe, we find special ideas which cannot be found in any other religions, and these ideas are presented in diverse ways. Most of all, the representative idea is that of human nobility; a distinctive idea which makes Daesoonjinrihoe different from other religions. Thus, this research focuses on the following questions: when was Human Nobility concretely realized? What kind of organic relationship does human nobility have between the divine world and the world of humanity? In light of the forthcoming Era of Human Nobility, what are some concrete images which can be drawn from the interaction between the realms of heaven and humanity wherein preordinations are plotted in heaven and then carried out by humankind? Prior to formulating my own sense of the subject matter, I consulted 43 previous discussions and dissertations and arranged them chronologically so as to examine their correlation. From these sources and my own insights, I was able to gain a sense of the starting point of the era of human nobility and its tenor. I have found the following problems in previous research on the uniqueness and distinctness of human nobility: ①The conceptual undertones of human nobility have not been adequately gleaned. ②There do not seem to be any dissertations which examine the way in which human nobility is connected with the doctrines of the creative conjunction between yin and yang, the harmonious union of divine beings and human beings, and the resolution of grievances for mutual beneficence. ③In most dissertations, not only is the starting point of the Era of Human Nobility regarded as concurrent with the start of the 50,000 years of earthly paradise in the Later World, but also the point of division between the former world and the later world is widely disputed. ④In-depth and fully realized studies dealing with the subject of human nobility are not easily found. ⑤There is little sense of progression in the research on human nobility because scholars are not sufficiently engage with one another to achieve common consensus. Therefore, in this dissertation, I have provided answers to the problems I discovered in previous research. I have developed my own tenor as follows: ①By giving priority to the Jeongyeong, I have closely investigated the period which divides the Former World and the Later World. Then, I produced a chronological timeline to demonstrate the progression: the Former World → the Era of the Resolution of Grievances → the Later World. This aids in the comprehension of human nobility. ②The Era of Human Nobility was preceeded by the opening of the Era of the Resolution of Grievances of human world which began in 1901. Human nobility is stipulated as a regulatory system for the universe set in motion by the opening the Era of Resolution of Grievances. ③While synthetically examining the aspects of transition which enable the Ear of Human Nobility to be realized, the period to be studied is stipulated as beginning from 1901 and ending at the start of the Later World. The subjects are defined as the flowing from Jeungsan, the first leader of human nobility, to the noble individuals empowered by Dao and the noble populace. In the Era of Human Nobility, studying the transition process by which human nobility is realized requires delving into the resolution of grievances. Although this method is essential to understanding Daesoon ideas, in actuality it does not hinge upon speculative exegetical theorizing but instead it was gained through eisegetical rigor.