• Publications of The Korean Astronomical Society
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• v.32 no.2
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• pp.367-380
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• 2017

The life and astronomical activity of Lee Deok-Seong (李德星, 1720-1794) was studied using various historical sources, including the astronomical almanac, Seungjeongwon-Ilgi (Daily records of Royal Secretariat of Joseon dynasty), and the Gwansang-Gam's logbooks during Joseon dynasty (A.D. 1392-1910). We present the results of the study including the following main findings. First, from the investigation of Lee's family tree, we find that a number of his relatives were also astronomers, notably Samryeok-Gwan (三曆官, the post of calendrical calculation). Second, we find that he took part in the compilation of an annual astronomical almanac over a period of at least 16 years. His major achievements in the astronomy of the Joseon dynasty were to establish a new method of calendar-making calculation and to bring astronomical materials to the Joseon court through a visit to China. The Joseon dynasty enforced the Shixianli (時憲曆, a Chinese calendar made by Adam Shall) in 1654 without fully understanding the calendar. So an astronomer and an envoy were dispatched to China in order to master the intricacies of the calendar and to learn as much of Western science as was available in that time and place. Lee Deok-Seong worked at the Gwansang-Gam (觀象監, Royal Astronomical Bureau) during the reigns of King Yeongjo (英祖) and Jeongjo (正祖). As best as we can ascertain in relation with the calculations in the Shixian calendar, Lee visited China four times. During his trips and interactions, he learned a new method for calendar-making calculations, and introduced many Western-Chinese astronomical books to Joseon academia. Lee greatly improved the accuracy of calendrical calculations, even while simplifying the calculation process. With these achievements, he finally was promoted to the title of Sungrok-Daebu (崇祿大夫), the third highest grade of royal official. In conclusion, history demonstrates that Lee Deok-Seong was one of the most outstanding astronomers in the late-Joseon dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.55 no.8 s.99
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• pp.57-72
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• 2005

Mongdueui(蒙頭衣) and mongduri(蒙頭里) in the Joseon dynasty was one of women's robe. The style of Mongdueui was same as Chinese baeja(褙子 $\cdot$ vest) having non-overlapping front opening with collar, This form was conformed through the wonsam excavated baeja from tomb of South Song dynasty. The basic construction was same as Joseon dynasty's except the collar. In the early Joseon dynasty the noble women wore Jangsam(長衫) as an outer wear, the common and lower class women wore Mongdueui, and the queen and royal household we baeja. The court lady wore baeja as well as Mongdueui for funeral ceremony. The style of women's robes was classified into two categories by the literature Byungwajip(甁窩集). The first was the hongjangsam(紅長衫長) in red for noble women. The other was the mongduri for the common lady. Whangchosam the outer wear of Jeongjaeyong(呈才女伶), a professional women entertainer, having non-overlapping front opening with collar, has been examined in the painting. And it had been evolved into the shaman's clothing in the last stage of Joseon dynasty.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.173-214
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• 2017

This study examines and compares music-related records in the mubo (舞譜; choreography notes) written by Sung Gyeonglin (成慶麟, 1911 - 2008), based on the records of 11 kinds of jeongjae (the music and dance performances at the royal court) found in Lee Byungseong's (李丙星, 1909 - 1960) Changsa and Jungjaecheol (呈才及唱詞綴). Even though these records are personal, they provide valuable information about the mubo of the Iwangjikaakbu (the Royal Music Institute) during the period of Japanese colonization. The eleven kinds types of jeongjae-'Cheoyongmu (處容舞)', 'Hyangryungmu (響鈴舞)', 'Mugo (舞鼓)', 'Bosangmu (寶相舞)', 'Chunangjeon (春鶯?)', 'Gainjeonmokdan (佳人剪牧丹)', 'Suyeonjang (壽延長)', 'Mansumu (萬壽舞)', 'Bongraeeui (鳳來儀)', 'Jangsaengboyeonjimu (長生寶宴之舞)', and 'Musanhyang (舞山香)'-can be largely divided into two types: Dangak (Tang dynasty music) and 'Hyangak (traditional Korean music).' The former is distinguished musically by whether or not the jukganja appears. For the appearance of the jukganja in 'Sujeyongjang', 'Bongraeeui' and 'Jangsaengboyeongjimu', the 'boheojaryung (步虛子令)' was used and given the impressive name of jangchunbullojigok (長春不老之曲).' The term punggyungjigok (豊慶之曲)' was used for music that guides a group dance and dancers. For the latter, hamnyungjigok (咸寧之曲) was performed during the development of the dance, and the pungungyeonghoijigok (風雲慶會之曲) was played at the end of the piece. As for the accompaniment for the jeongjae performed by the Iwangjikaakbu, it is significant that various elaborate names were attached to Sangryungsan, Jungryungsan, Seryungsanm, Garakdeoli, Samhyunhwanip, Yeombulhwanip, and taryung (the traditional Korean ballad), which were all parts of 'Samhyunyoungsanhoesang (靈山會上).' Specifically, the 'Hyangdanggyoju (鄕唐交奏)' in 'Jeongjaemudoholgi' was accompanied by various melodies of the 'Samhyunyoungsanhoesang', which were given extravagant names. These are the personal records of the Iwangjikaakbu mubo that were retained by Lee Honggu (李興九, b. 1940), who owns the 'Hakyeonhwadaehapseolmu.' Among them, the ten kinds of jeongjae found in the notes of Sung Gyeonglin are often referred to as 'mueui (舞儀)' and widely used for research on individual jeongjae performances and the history of their development. The notes of Lee Byungseong have not been investigated thoroughly until now and this is the first study that provides a comparative analysis of the notes of Lee Byungseong and Sung Gyeonglin. This investigation is expected to contribute to the further research and knowledge of the jeongjae performance during the period of Japanese colonization.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.14-54
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• 2020

The overall study of Samsaebulhoedo (painting of the Assembly of Buddhas of Three Ages) at Yongjusa Temple has focused on dating it, analyzing the painting style, identifying its painter, and scrutinizing the related documents. However, its greater coherence could be achieved through additional support from empirical evidence and logical consistency. Recent studies on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple that postulate that the painting could have been produced by a monk-painter in the late nineteenth century and that an original version produced in 1790 could have been retouched by a painter in the 1920s using a Western painting style lack such empirical proof and logic. Although King Jeongjo's son was not yet installed as crown prince, the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple contained a conventional written prayer wishing for a long life for the king, queen, and crown prince: "May his majesty the King live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). Later, this phrase was erased using cinnabar and revised to include unusual content in an exceptional order: "May his majesty the King live long / May his highness the King's Affectionate Mother (Jagung) live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 慈宮邸下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). A comprehensive comparison of the formats and contents in written prayers found on late Joseon Buddhist paintings and a careful analysis of royal liturgy during the reign of King Jeongjo reveal Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple to be an original version produced at the time of the founding of Yongjusa Temple in 1790. According to a comparative analysis of formats, iconography, styles, aesthetic sensibilities, and techniques found in Buddhist paintings and paintings by Joseon court painters from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple bears features characteristic of paintings produced around 1790, which corresponds to the result of analysis on the written prayer. Buddhist paintings created up to the early eighteenth century show deities with their sizes determined by their religious status and a two-dimensional conceptual composition based on the traditional perspective of depicting close objects in the lower section and distant objects above. This Samsaebulhoedo, however, systematically places the Buddhist deities within a threedimensional space constructed by applying a linear perspective. Through the extensive employment of chiaroscuro as found in Western painting, it expresses white highlights and shadows, evoking a feeling that the magnificent world of the Buddhas of the Three Ages actually unfolds in front of viewers. Since the inner order of a linear perspective and the outer illusion of chiaroscuro shading are intimately related to each other, it is difficult to believe that the white highlights were a later addition. Moreover, the creative convergence of highly-developed Western painting style and techniques that is on display in this Samsaebulhoedo could only have been achieved by late-Joseon court painters working during the reign of King Jeongjo, including Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin. Deungun, the head monk of Yongjusa Temple, wrote Yongjusa sajeok (History of Yongjusa Temple) by compiling the historical records on the temple that had been transmitted since its founding. In Yongjusa sajeok, Deungun recorded that Kim Hongdo painted Samsaebulhoedo as if it were a historical fact. The Joseon royal court's official records, Ilseongnok (Daily Records of the Royal Court and Important Officials) and Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok (Suwon Construction Records), indicate that Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin all served as a supervisor (gamdong) for the production of Buddhist paintings. Since within Joseon's hierarchical administrative system it was considered improper to allow court painters of government position to create Buddhist paintings which had previously been produced by monk-painters, they were appointed as gamdong in name only to avoid a political liability. In reality, court painters were ordered to create Buddhist paintings. During their reigns, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo summoned the literati painters Jo Yeongseok and Kang Sehwang to serve as gamdong for the production of royal portraits and requested that they paint these portraits as well. Thus, the boundary between the concept of supervision and that of painting occasionally blurred. Supervision did not completely preclude painting, and a gamdong could also serve as a painter. In this light, the historical records in Yongjusa sajeok are not inconsistent with those in Ilseongnok, Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok, and a prayer written by Hwang Deok-sun, which was found inside the canopy in Daeungjeon Hall at Yongjusa Temple. These records provided the same content in different forms as required for their purposes and according to the context. This approach to the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple will lead to a more coherent explanation of dating the painting, analyzing its style, identifying its painter, and interpreting the relevant documents based on empirical grounds and logical consistency.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.243-263
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• 2022

The royal court of Joseon had a tradition of mounting the Irworobongdo, a painting of the sun, the moon and the five sacred peaks, symbols of the king's immortal presence and authority, on a folding screen and placing it in special spaces within the palace that were reserved for the king. While the Irworobongdo is generally accepted as the important ceremonial object of the royal palaces of Joseon, there have been few studies on the various folding screens used in the royal palaces, largely because the official records about such screens do not match the remaining original relics. In this study, the main discussion is focused on the diversity of the shapes and mounting materials of the Irworobongdoused for various ceremonies held in the royal palaces of Joseon based on the Uigwe, the official records of the royal protocols of the Joseon dynasty. The discussion also extends to the theme rarely studied so far, namely the original form of the Irworobongdo and its evolution in the following period. The ceremonial "five peak" folding screens (Obongbyeong) used at a number of important palace buildings, including the crown hall (Jeongjeon), royal funerary hall (Binjeon), spirit hall (Honjeon) and portrait shrine (Jinjeon), differed in shape and size from the folding screens used in royal celebratory events such as banquets, although the paintings themselves and the style of mounting them were essentially the same. The paintings were mounted on screens bordered with green silk and ornamented with floral gilt designs. The folding screens used in royal ceremonies were produced according to strict guidelines that required the ceremonies and mounting materials to be graded on the basis of the status of each screen. It was not until the 1960s that these ceremonial folding screens of the Joseon dynasty, which had been neglected during the period of Japanese colonial rule of Korea, began to undergo conservation treatment provided as part of a heritage preservation program. Unfortunately, many of the screens repaired in this period lost some of their original features - largely due to the use of non-traditional mounting techniques. Considering, however, that significant achievements have since been made in the heritage preservation field based on the use of historical evidence, it is now necessary to systematically use the repair history of the information about the remaining royal ceremonial folding screens to ensure that they are preserved and managed more effectively in the future.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.98 no.1
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• pp.66-81
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• 2009

From a new perspective of "humans and the culture of forming and conserving the environment", the sustainable forest management can be reformulated under the concept of "cultural sustainability". Cultural sustainability is based on the emphasis of the high contribution to sustainability of the culture of forming and conserving the environment. This study extracts the implications to cultural sustainability for the modern world by investigating a historical case of the culturo-social pine forestry in the Joseon period of Korea. In the legendary and recorded acts by the first king Taejo, Seonggye Yi, Korean red pine (Pinus densiflora) was the "Royal tree" of Joseon and also the "Sajik tree" related intimately with the Great Sajik Ritual valued as the top rank within the national ritual regime that sustained the Royal Virtue Politics in Confucian political ideology. Into the Neo-Confucian faith and royal rituals of Joseon, elements of geomancy (Feng shui), folk religion, and Buddhism had been amalgamated. The deities worshipped or revered at the Sajik shrine were Earth-god (Sa) and crop-god (Jik). And it is the Earth god and the concrete entity, Sajik tree, that contains the legacy of sylvan religion descended from the ancient times and had been incorporated into the Confucian faith and ritual regime. Korean red pine as the Royal-Sajik tree played a critical role of sustaining the religio-political justification for the rule of the Joseon's Royalty. The religio-political symbolism of Korean red pine was represented in diverse ways. The same pine was used as the timber material of shrine buildings established for the national rituals under Neo-Confucian faith by the royal court of Joseon kingdom before the modern Korea. The symbolic role of pine had also been expressed in the forms of royal tomb forests, the Imposition Forest (Bongsan) for royal coffin timber (Whangjangmok), and the creation, protection, conservation and bureaucratic management of the pine forests in the Inner-four and Outer-four mountains for the capital fortress at Seoul, where the king and his family inhabit. The religio-political management system of pine forests parallels well with the kingdom's economic forest management system, called "Pine Policy", with an array of pine cultivation forests and Prohibition Forests (Geumsan) in the earlier period, and that of Imposition Forests in the later period. The royal pine culture with the economic forest management system had influenced on the public consciousness and the common people seem to have coined Malrimgat, a pure Korean word that is interchangeable with the Chinesecharacter words of prohibition-cultivation land or forest (禁養地, 禁養林) practiced in the royal tomb forests, and Prohibition and Imposition Forests, which contained prohibition landmarks (Geumpyo) made of stone and rock on the boundaries. A culturo-social forestry, in which Sajik altar, royal tomb forests, Whangjang pine Prohibition and Imposition forests and the capital Inner-four and Outer-four mountain forests consist, was being put into practice in Joseon. In Joseon dynastry, the Neo-Confucian faith and royal rituals with geomancy, folk religion, and Buddhism incorporated has also played a critical humanistic role for the culturo-social pine forestry, the one higher in values than that of the economic pine forestry. The implications have been extracted from the historical case study on the Royal-Sajik tree and culturo-social forestry of Joseon : Cultural sustainability, in which the interaction between humans and environment maintains a long-term culturo-natural equilibrium or balance for many generations, emphasizes the importance that the modern humans who form and conserve environment need to rediscover and transform their culturo-natural legacy into conservation for many generations and produce knowledge of sustainability science, the transdisciplinary knowledge for the interaction between environment and humans, which fulfills the cultural, social and spiritual needs.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.91-117
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• 2018

In the tribute system controlling international relations of pre-modern East Asia, conciliation diplomacy between royal authorities was a principle of diplomatic relations among each nation. Therefore, capitals where royal authorities really existed were political centers and diplomatic stages at the same time. Notably, diplomatic relations between United Silla and Japan were maintained dually by conciliation diplomacy between royal authorities and practical diplomacy through Dazaihu located in Tsukushi. Tsukushi located at the northwestern tip of Kyushu was a gateway to foreign nations and stronghold in terms of national defense. Amidst an East Asian war named Baek River Battle in 663, the royal court of Daehwa established Dazaihu here because it was necessary for diplomatic and military responses. Dazaihu established as part of diplomatic negotiation not only took diplomatic functions as an official residence since the latter half of the 7thcentury. and but also was used as a stage of official diplomacy between Silla and Japan. Diplomatic negotiation between Silla and Japan through Dazaihu was made in practical methods and such a situation could be confirmed through diplomatic documents exchanged between Silla and Dazaihu in the middle of the 8thcentury. At that time, protocols became an importan tissue.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.149-155
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• 2012

In this study, the functional properties of royal court (RC) soy sauces, Gungjung-kanjang, were analyzed in vitro. RC soy sauces, traditional soy sauce, and commercial soy sauces were fractionated based on an MW cut-off of 1,000. The total phenolic compounds smaller than and larger than 1,000 MW (low and high fraction) in RC soy sauces were determined to be $101.55{\pm}1.49\sim114.00{\pm}0.11$ mg/L and $32.51{\pm}0.32\sim113.47{\pm}0.43$ mg/L, respectively. The low fraction of RC soy sauces showed around 51% superoxide dismutase (SOD)-like activity, which was higher than other soy sauces. Among RC soy sauces, Cheong-jang showed significantly high activity. Significant differences in fibrinolytic and antibacterial activities were not observed between soy sauces. ${\alpha}$-Glucosidase inhibitory activities in the low and high fractions of RC soy sauces were in the range from $6.34{\pm}1.51\sim8.79{\pm}0.81$% and $5.72{\pm}1.29\sim7.94{\pm}0.34$%, respectively. However, ${\alpha}$-glucosidase inhibitory activity in the high fraction of Kot-jang soy sauce was 75.88%${\pm}$1.20%. Lipase inhibitory activities in the low fractions of RC soy sauces, especially Cheong-jang, Deot-kangang, Jin-jang, and Euyeuk-kanjang, were also measured.

• Journal of Korean Medical Ki-Gong Academy
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.117-143
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• 2009

The community of women into society in various fields is expanding, and married late, and accordingly, the first child birth is increasing age. Accordingly, dystocia has also increased. Listed in the literature that the traditional method of birth seemed to oriental medical interpretation of one of the ancient wisdom of the predecessors to explore. The result of this study is summarized as follows. 1. Child birth custom divide into childbirth preparation, childbirth and postpartum care. Postpartum care divide into preparation of the birthplace, food for pregnant woman and birth preparation of the necessary things. 2. Preparation of the birthplace of the court case and that qeen is three months, one month before that in the case of concubines were installed. The difference in manners, and actual number but the configuration of the same item was prepared. In the private, birthplace is installed husband's home or parent's home. 3. Rice and seaweed is food for pregnant woman. San Miguel (产 米), sangwak (山 藿) specifically called was selected by Keep elaborate. 4. 1 month before birth to baby clothing is usually prepared. For the safe of a paturient woman and a baby, magical prescription was practiced in so-guk-so(昭格署) in early chosun dynasty. After so-guk-so(昭格署) abolished magical practice was stopped. Then Wore old clothes based on dong-ui-bo-gam(東醫寶鑑) 5. Im-san-ye-zi-bub(臨产豫智法) specifically to instruct the royal birth is the birth of guidelines. Im-san-ye-zi-bub(臨产豫智法) cosist of birth place, abdominal pain Precautions, food, care after childbirth, remove the plecenta posion, method of cut navel, bath, protection. Through various court records of the situation, according to the guidelines are properly applied based on dong-ui-bo-gam(東醫寶鑑).

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.53 no.8
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• pp.121-135
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• 2003

The purpose of this study is to suggest a theoretical basis to name Sa(紗) and Ra(羅) remains properly by comparing and analyzing the name, usage, value, length and width of Sa(紗) and Ra(羅) recorded on documents made at the end period of Joseon. The features of Sa(紗) and Ra(羅) at the end of the Joseon Period are as follows. 1. The kinds of Sa(紗) are about 80, those of Ra(羅) are about 12, and those of Sa(紗) are significantly more than those of Ra(羅). In regard to the aspect of patterns, there were about 20 types of patterns in the case of Sa(紗), but no specific pattern for Ra(羅). 2. Some newly revealed patterns in the case of Sa (紗) are as follows. Baek -bok-mun(백복문) was a pattern full of ‘bats(박쥐[복])’, and Baek-jeop-mun(백접문) was a pattern full of ‘butterflies(나비[蝶])’ Jeop-mun(접문) was classified into ‘butterfly patterns(나비문[접문])’ and ‘traditional window flame patterns(창살문[접문])‘. 3. When considering the usages of Sa(紗) and Ra(羅), Sa(紗) was used for various detailed purposes according to their kinds and patterns, but Ra(羅) was mostly used for underwear. The most commonly used Sa(紗) was the Gab-sa type(甲紗類). On the contrary, the Go-sa type(庫紗類) was significantly less used than the Gab-sa type(甲紗類). However, it must have been of relatively high quality Sa(紗), shown by the fact that it was used for outer garments. In addition, the Gung-sa type(宮紗類) was the best quality Sa(紗), shown by the fact that it was used for court dress and official uniforms in the royal court. 4. Sa(紗) and Ra(羅) whose features have been examined we Gapsa(甲紗), Sun-in (純仁), Gosa(庫紗), Gwansa(官紗), Jusa(走紗), Eunjosa(은조사), Gwangsa(廣紗), Waesa(倭紗), Dorisa(도리사), Gong-yangsa(공양사), Rasa(羅紗), Danghangra(唐亢羅), Yanghangra(洋亢羅), Yunjura(윤주라), Eunra(銀羅), Jeohangra(저항라), Chura(秋羅). 5. Regarding the values of Sa(紗) and Ra(羅), they were high quality textures and its length and width of 1 Pil(疋), a roll of cloth, were not subdivided in detail such as in the case of plain weaved silks(平絹).