• Title/Summary/Keyword: Royal Court

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Javanese Jamu Tradition: Medicine for Caretaking and the Health Named 'Tentram' (인도네시아 자바사람들의 자무(Jamu) 전통: '돌봄'의 의약과 '평안'한 건강)

  • CHO, Youn-Mee
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.29 no.3
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    • pp.39-80
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    • 2019
  • This article examines the reason why Indonesian Javanese are using their traditional medicine jamu. Tracing the cultural logic of Javanese, this study observes the space and the process in which the demand on jamu is culturally constructed. In order to address this, the article focuses on Javanese family and their royal court, the spaces where jamu originated from and has been used. Then, the discussion proceeds to identify jamu as a medium to construct rukun(harmony) and tentram(peace), as well as to express and ensure Javanese cosmology. Along with the research, the article argues that: 1) jamu is an embodiment of Javanese local knowledge system into which Javanese consciousness, notions, knowledge, and techniques integrate; 2) the health achieved by using jamu is what Javanese call tentram, which encompasses physical, mental, spiritual and social dimensions of health; 3) the health of tentram has the value of a resource that becomes the foundation to build a good, prosperous society.

Astronomical Phenomenon Records from Sukjong's Chunbang-Ilgi

  • Ki-Won Lee
    • Journal of The Korean Astronomical Society
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    • v.56 no.1
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    • pp.75-89
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    • 2023
  • We investigate the astronomical phenomenon records of Sukjong's Chunbang-Ilgi made by Sigangwon (Royal Educational Office of the Crown Prince) at which King Sukjong was the crown prince (i.e., 1667 January 24-1674 September 22). From the daily records of 2,799 days, we extract the astronomical records of 1,443 days and classify them into 14 categories. Then, we group the records of each category into five phenomena (Atmosphere, Eclipse, Daylight Appearance, Apparition, and Appulse) and compare them with the results of modern astronomical computations wherever possible. Except for Atmosphere group comprising records of meteorological events, such as solar halo, lunar halo, and unusual clouds, the significant findings in every other group are as follows: In Eclipse group, the solar eclipse that occurred on 1673 August 12 was unobservable in Korea, which is in contrast to the record of Joseonwangjo-Sillok (Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), which states that the sun was in eclipse around sunset time, as observed at Nam mountain. From the lunar eclipse records, we verify that the Joseon court did not change the date of the events observed after midnight. In Daylight Appearance group, we confirm that this phenomenon was observed during the daytime and not during twilight. We further suggest that if observation conditions are met, a celestial body brighter than -2.3 mag could be seen during the daytime with the naked-eye. In Apparition group, we find the possibilities that the Orionid meteor shower had influence on the meteor records and the seasonality on the aurora records. We also find that the Korean records in which the coma of comet C/1668 E1 was located below the horizon were overlooked in previous studies. Finally, we find that the records of Appulse group generally agree with the results of modern calculations. The records of Beom (trespass in literal) and Sik (eating in literal) events show average angular separations of 1.2° and 1.0°, respectively. In conclusion, we believe this work helps study the astronomical records of other logs of Sigangwon, such as Sukjong's Chunbang-Ilgi.

The Comparison of Characteristics of Korean, Chinese and Japanese Traditional Flower Arts Used in Royal Court Ceremonies (한국과 중국 및 일본의 궁중 전통 꽃꽂이 특징비교)

  • Hong, Hoon Ki;Lee, Jong Suk
    • FLOWER RESEARCH JOURNAL
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    • v.18 no.2
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    • pp.125-135
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    • 2010
  • To discover the main characteristics of Korean traditional flower arrangement, they were compared with different articles and old paintings used in royal court ceremonies. The primary research involved principle of design. The times periods used were the Joseon Dynasty era of Korea, the Ming era of China, and the Edo eras of Japan. The result, which shows both the similarities and differences, of the research is summarized as follows. The similarities were that they all respect the features of nature, and their image expresses their creator's thinking. There was one technique, called 'Suje', in which a part of the stem is coming out from one branch. Also, each three eras preferred flowering trees and ornamental trees more than annuals or foliage plants. one of the differences was that korea used a simple number of materials. The work had volume and appeared mild by using a soft curved line which was repetitive and massive. The Joseon Dynasty era advanced a sense of beauty with artistic symmetry and balance. The work seemed soft and natural because of the little change in blank space, with almost no angle of line. The form had a characteristic preference of being taller than the typical Japanese arrangement. It appeared simple, calm, and rustic by using only one kind of material. In contrast, the Chinese style was gorgeous and displayed volume in a non-symmetrical tripodal form, which incorporated various colors and materials. Also, they avoided processing the materials in order to emphasize the original beauty of nature. Chinese flower arts did not become formalized because they did not consider the formality seriously the formal. The Japanese style was also gorgeous because it incorporated various materials and angles. It included an extreme technique in which an artificial line divided the blank space delicately. The line was both strong and delicate in an established form. The restriction of the main branch gave a light feeling, as well as more strain as in a balance sense. The Japanese eras emphasized more the use of line and a sense of blank space.

A Study on the Bapyo Ritual Procedures and Costumes Recorded in the Five rituals of Sejong-Silok (『세종실록(世宗實錄)』, 「오례(五禮)」에 기록된 배표의 절차와 복식 연구)

  • KIM Jinhong;CHO Woohyun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.56 no.1
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    • pp.142-160
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    • 2023
  • The position of the people who participated in the Bapyo Ritual held in the reign of King Sejong and the corresponding costumes were examined. The king, who was the executive body of the ritual, wore Myeon-Bok, a court dress, and Myeon-Bok was Gujang-Bok made of Jang-wha on Guryu-Pyeongcheongwan. Crown princes, royal families, and government officials wore Oryang-Gwan and Jekraeui, which were Jobok. The crown princes' Joboks were changed from Oryang-Gwan to Wukryang-Gwan in the dynasty year 10 of King Sejong, and in the year of King Munjong's accession, Myeon-Bok was received, and after King Danjong, the crown princes wore Palryu-Pyeongcheongwan and Chiljang-Bok. Diplomats and Jongsagwan who were the envoys wore Sangbok. A Sangbok worn by the diplomat was Samo with Danryeong, Seo-Dae, and Hyeopgeum-Hwa, and a Sangbok worn by Jongsagwan was Samo, Danryeong, Heukgak-Dae, and Heukpi-Hwa. Byulgam, who served as an attendant to the king in the king's close quarters, wore Gongbok and Sangbok. Gongbok consisted of Ja-Geon, Danryeong and Heukpi-Hwa, and Sangbok consisted of orange color Cho-Rip, Jikryeong, Joa, and Heukpi-Hwa. The person holding San, Gae , Sujeongjang, and Geumwolbu wore Ja-Geon and Cheong-Ui, and Seon wore Pimoja and Hong-Ui. Siwigun wore armor and helmets equipped with weapons. Among court musicians, Aksa's costumes consisted of Bokdu, Bigongbok, Geumdonghyeokdae, Bibaekdaedae, and Opiri, and Aksaeng's one composed of Gaechaek, Bisuransam, Hyupgo, Mal, Maldae, and Opiri. As a result of the above, the process of ceremonial clothes becoming uniform clothes in the reign of King Sejong was confirmed. The king and lower-ranking officials such as crown princes, government officials, diplomats, Byulgam, armies for ceremonial weaponry, and court musicians participating in the Bapyo Ritual wore the highest grade of ceremonial clothes for each class. King Sejong had repeated discussions to build a nation based on Confucianism, and arranged each rite and corresponding costume, and the Bapyo Ritual costume was also systematically prepared for each position. The ceremonial clothing organized during the reign of King Sejong was regulated in Yejon and became the basis for continuing to the late Joseon Dynasty.

Scientific Analysis of the Historical Characteristics and Painting Pigments of Gwaebultaeng in Boeun Beopjusa Temple (보은 법주사 <괘불탱>의 미술사적 특징과 채색 안료의 과학적 분석 연구)

  • Lee, Jang-jon;Gyeong, Yu-jin;Lee, Jong-su;Seo, Min-seok
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.52 no.4
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    • pp.226-245
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    • 2019
  • Beopjusa Gwaebultaeng (Large Buddhist Painting), designated as Treasure No. 1259, was painted in 1766 and featured Yeorae (Buddha) at the center in the style of a single figure. It is the longest existing buddhist painting and was created by Duhun, a painter who was representative of 18th century Korean artists. His other remaining work is Seokgayeorae Gwaebultaeng (1767) in Tongdosa Temple. Considering their same iconography, they are assumed to have used the same underdrawing. Duhun had a superb ability to maintain a consistent underdrawing, while most painters changed theirs within a year. The Beopjusa painting carries significance because it was not only painted earlier than the one in Tongdosa, but also indicates possible relevance to the royal family through its records. Beopjusa Temple is also the site of Seonhuigung Wondang, a shrine housing the spirit tablet of Lady Yi Youngbin, also known as Lady Seonhui. Having been built only a year before Beopjusa Gwaebultaeng was painted, it served as a basis for the presumption that it has a connection to the royal family. In particular, a group of unmarried women is noticeable in the record of Beopjusa painting. The names of some people, including Ms. Lee, born in the year of Gyengjin, are recorded on the Bonginsa Temple Building, the construction of which Lady Yi Youngbin and Princess Hwawan donated money to. In this regard, they are probably court ladies related to Lady Yi Youngbin. The connection of Beopjusa Gwaebultaeng with the royal family is also verified by a prayer at the bottom of the painting, reading "JusangJusamJeonhaSumanse (主上主三殿下壽萬歲, May the king live forever)." While looking into the historical characteristics of this art, this study took an approach based on scientific analysis. Damages to Beopjusa Gwaebultaeng include: bending, folding, wrinkles, stains due to moisture, pigment spalling, point-shaped pigment spalling, and pigment penetration to the lining paper at the back. According to the results of an analysis of the painting pigments, white lead was used as a white pigment, while an ink stick and indigo were used for black. For red, cinnabar and minium were used independently or were combined. For purple, organic pigments seem to have been used. For yellow, white lead and gamboge were mixed, or gamboge was painted over white lead, and gold foil was adopted for storage. As a green pigment, atacamite or a mixture of atacamite and malachite was used. Azurite and smalt were used separately or together as blue pigments.

Study on the Inheritance and Transformation of the Goryeo Tradition in the Illustrations of the Sixteen Contemplations of the Amitayurdhyana Sutra of the Early Joseon Dynasty -with the Focus on the Concept of Rebirth in the Pure Land- (조선전기 관경십육관변상도에 보이는 고려 전통의 계승과 변용 -정토인식과 왕생관의 변화를 통해-)

  • Lee, Seung-Hee
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.51 no.1
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    • pp.126-147
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    • 2018
  • The compositions and iconographies of the three Illustrations of the Sixteen Contemplations produced in the early Joseon Dynasty effectively manifest the transitional period of Joseon society as well as the Joseon people's perception of the Pure Land. In particular, the painting at titled Chionji (知恩寺) dated 1435 and another painting at titled Chion' in (知恩院) from 1465, which were commissioned by the Joseon royal family and high-ranking monk, embody the Pure Land faith of the Tiantai School of Buddhism (天台宗) which thrived during the late Goryeo period. This indicates that the Joseon royal court continued to favor the Pure Land faith that emphasized salvation through "self-power" (自力), which was popular among both the royal family and the nobility of Goryeo. On the other hand, in the painting at titled $H{\bar{o}}rinji$ (法輪寺), which is presumed to have been made in the sixteenth century, the compositions and iconographies shown in late Goryeo examples of the Illustrations of the Sixteen Contemplations are disassembled. Moreover, a new iconographical motif, i.e. "welcoming the dragon boat" (龍船接引), emerged with this painting. This motif symbolizes the idea that the souls of the deceased are guided by Amitabha Buddha to rebirth in the Pure Land of Extreme Bliss, which is based on the "other-power" of the Pure Land faith that emphasizes the power of Amitabha Buddha in attaining salvation rather than the educational "self-power" of the Pure Land faith. The emergence of this motif demonstrates the transformation of the Pure Land belief into a faith that relied on the "other-power" of Amitabha in Joseon's Confucian society.

Historical Conciderations of Gyeokgu Game and Play Space - Focused on the Goryeo Dynasty Palace - (격구희(擊毬戱)와 개최공간의 역사적 고찰(1) - 고려조 궁궐을 중심으로 -)

  • Choi, Woo-Young;Yoon, Young-Jo;Yoon, Young-Hwal
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.29 no.3
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    • pp.134-146
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    • 2011
  • Gyeokgu is a group ball game transmitted into the Joseon Dynasty period as acquiring a great vogue among the royal palace and people in Goryeo Dynasty after being introduced into the country from China. This research aimed through historical investigation to look into the form in which the Goryeo dynasty's kings enjoyed Gyeokgu game, and the historical-spatial signification and the locational characteristics of Gujeong(the ground where play Gyeokgu) which is the courtyard where Gyeokgu game was held centering around the Goryeo dynasty's palace where Gyeokgu was prosperous most. We researched and analyzed the data for research after extracting the records related to Gyeokgu from three historical data of the true records of the Goryeo Dynasty. Upon investigation, twelve among 34 kings of the past generations were concerned with Gyeokgu in Gyeokgu game participation form, and 46 times were recorded in historical records in total. In the participation form, kings participated personally in 9 times among 46 Gyeokgu games, and viewed games in case of 37 times. Among these kings, the 18th generation king Uijong was recorded most as 17 times(36.9%) in Gyeokgu records. Places where Gyeokgu were held were 25 places in total including royal palace, detached palace, Lu-jeong, Buddhist temple, private residences, markets and streets, other outside of the royal court and so on, and 46 time-Gyeokgu games in total were held in these places. 21 time(45.6%)-Gyeokgu games were held in only 5 detached place among these places. So, detached palace were used most for Gyeokgu games. In particular, Gyeokgu games were held most in Suchanggung palace and Jangwonjeong palace among these detached palaces, and all these things were recorded during the reign of King Uijong. Gyeokgu game which was prevalent by the end of the Goryeo Dynasty showed a progression to a national festival which kings, personally coming into streets or Jeoja(an archaic word for "market"), enjoyed with the crowd.

The Characteristics and Background of Gwanyo's Production of White Porcelain with "Byeol(別)" Inscription in 16th and 17th Century Joseon (조선 16~17세기 관요(官窯) '별(別)'명 백자의 성격과 제작 배경)

  • KIM, Kwihan
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.55 no.2
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    • pp.214-230
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    • 2022
  • This paper discusses the characteristics and background of the production of white porcelain with the "Byeol(別)" inscription. Such porcelain was produced by the government-run porcelain kiln, Gwanyo(官窯), in the 16th and 17th centuries (from the 1560s to the 1640s), during the Joseon dynasty. The white porcelain ware, inscribed with either the term Byeol or "jwa(左)" and "u(右)," constituted a dual production system of white porcelain by Gwanyo starting in the 1560s. However, to date, few studies have examined Byeol-inscribed white porcelain. This, therefore, makes it difficult to achieve a comprehensive understanding of the evolution of inscriptions on the white porcelain produced by Gwanyo in the 15th to 17th centuries. Besides a regular annual stock of porcelain(年例進上磁器), Gwanyo also produced and supplied additional porcelain ware, or Byeol-gi, at the behest of the royal family or the court of Joseon. Byeol-inscribed white porcelain is a form of Byeol-gi, produced through extra firing, or Byeolbeon(別燔). According to use, Byeol-gi can be categorized as an item for national use(國用) or an item for internal use(內用). However, if the porcelain only carries the "Byeol(別)" inscription, it is difficult to identify its characteristics. Furthermore, as part of the annual production of porcelain was for the supply of Byeol-gi, and then for other purposes, the white porcelain came to be inscribed with dots indicating a change in ownership. In the 16th century, the royal family increased its consumption of white porcelain based on Shinyu Gongan(辛酉貢案), the government's fiscal reform measures. To guarantee a stable supply of exceptional Byeol-gi in light of Gwanyo's decline in the 1560s, the royal family benefited from the inscription of "Byeol." The white porcelain produced by Gwanyo was divided into annual offerings-those with the inscriptions "jwa(左)" and "u(右)"-and Byeol-gi, those with the inscription of "Byeol." They were managed separately from the commencement of production. Byeol-inscribed white porcelain was produced until the 1640s. During the mid-and late 1640s, Byeolbeon was temporarily suspended. Starting in the 1650s, the white clay used to produce the annual stock of white porcelain was sourced from regions other than those providing the clay for Byeol-gi production. The former used clay from Wonju(原州土) and Seosan(瑞山土), while the latter used clay from Gyeongju(慶州土) and Seoncheon(宣川土). According to the literature, the clay from Gyeongju and Seoncheon was much cleaner than that from Wonju and Seosan. Byeolbeon thus underwent a transformation, whereby production was separately managed, right from the stage of white clay mining. Ultimately, the need for the separate management of Byeol-gi through inscriptions diminished, resulting in the disappearance of Byeol-inscribed white porcelain.

A Study on the Usage of Miào(廟) and Gōng(宮) in Zhou Dynasty through the Mentions to Them in the Scripture Sentences of 『Chūn-qiū(春秋)』 - In the Process of Investigating the Existence of Zhou Dynasty's System to Regulate the Number of Zōng-miào(宗廟) 【1/2】 (『춘추』 경문에서의 묘(廟)·궁(宮) 언급을 통한 주대(周代)의 그 쓰임 사례 일고찰 - 주대의 묘수제(廟數制) 실재 여부에 대한 궁구 과정에서 【1/2】-)

  • Seo, Jeong-Hwa
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.57
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    • pp.57-90
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    • 2018
  • In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.

A Study on the Wooden Seated Vairocana Tri-kaya Buddha Images in the Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa Temple (화엄사 대웅전 목조비로자나삼신 불좌상에 대한 고찰)

  • Choe, Songeun
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.100
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    • pp.140-170
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    • 2021
  • This paper investigates the Wooden Seated Tri-kaya Buddha Images(三身佛像) of Vairocana, Rushana, and Sakyamuni enshrined in Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa temple(華嚴寺) in Gurae, South Cheolla Province. They were produced in 1634 CE and placed in 1635 CE, about forty years after original images made in the Goryeo period were destroyed by the Japanese army during the war. The reconstruction of Hwaeomsa was conducted by Gakseong, one of the leading monks of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, who also conducted the reconstructions of many Buddhist temples after the war. In 2015, a prayer text (dated 1635) concerning the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was found in the repository within Sakyamuni Buddha. It lists the names of participants, including royal family members (i.e., prince Yi Guang, the eighth son of King Seon-jo), and their relatives (i.e., Sin Ik-seong, son-in-law of King Seonjo), court ladies, monk-sculptors, and large numbers of monks and laymen Buddhists. A prayer text (dated 1634) listing the names of monk-sculptors written on the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushana Buddha was also found. A recent investigation into the repository within Rushana Buddha in 2020 CE has revealed a prayer text listing participants producing these images, similar to the former one from Sakyamuni Buddha, together with sacred relics of hoo-ryeong-tong copper bottle and a large quantity of Sutra books. These new materials opened a way to understand Hwaeomsa Trikaya images, including who made them and when they were made. The two above-mentioned prayer texts from the repository of Sakyamuni and Rushana Buddha statues, and the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushan Buddha tell us that eighteen monk-sculptors, including Eungwon, Cheongheon and Ingyun, who were well-known monk artisans of the 17th century, took part in the construction of these images. As a matter of fact, Cheongheon belonged to a different workshop from Eungwon and Ingyun, who were most likely teacher and disciple or senior and junior colleagues, which means that the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was a collaboration between sculptors from two workshops. Eungwon and Ingyun seem to have belonged to the same community studying under the great Buddhist priest Seonsu, the teacher of Monk Gakseong who was in charge of the reconstruction of Haweonsa temple. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images show a big head, a squarish face with plump cheeks, narrow and drooping shoulders, and a short waist, which depict significant differences in body proportion to those of other Buddha statues of the first half of 17th century, which typically have wide shoulders and long waists. The body proportion shown in the Hwaeomsa images could be linked with images of late Goryeo and early Joseon period. Rushana Buddha, raising his two arms in a preaching hand gesture and wearing a crown and bracelets, shows unique iconography of the Bodhisattva form. This iconography of Rushana Buddha had appeared in a few Sutra paintings of Northern Song and Late Goryeo period of 13th and 14th century. BodhaSri-mudra of Vairocana Buddha, unlike the general type of BodhaSri-mudra that shows the right hand holding the left index finger, places his right hand upon the left hand in a fist. It is similar to that of Vairocana images of Northern and Southern Song, whose left hand is placed on the top of right hand in a fist. This type of mudra was most likely introduced during the Goryeo period. The dried lacquer Seated Vairocana image of Bulheosa Temple in Naju is datable to late Goryeo period, and exhibits similar forms of the mudra. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images also show new iconographic aspects, as well as traditional stylistic and iconographic features. The earth-touching (bhumisparsa) mudra of Sakymuni Buddha, putting his left thumb close to the middle finger, as if to make a preaching mudra, can be regarded as a new aspect that was influenced by the Sutra illustrations of the Ming dynasty, which were imported by the royal court of Joseon dynasty and most likely had an impact on Joseon Buddhist art from the 15th and 16th centuries. Stylistic and iconographical features of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images indicate that the traditional aspects of Goryeo period and new iconography of Joseon period are rendered together, side by side, in these sculptures. The coexistence of old and new aspects in one set of images could indicate that monk sculptors tried to find a new way to produce Hwaeomsa images based on the old traditional style of Goryeo period when the original Tri-kaya Buddha images were made, although some new iconography popular in Joseon period was also employed in the images. It is also probable that monk sculptors of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images intended to reconstruct these images following the original images of Goryeo period, which was recollected by surviving monks at Hwaeomsa, who had witnessed the original Tri-kaya Buddha images.