• Journal of Agricultural Extension & Community Development
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.145-175
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• 2008

This study has been carried out in order to examine the characteristics and rationales of the rural development policies of the President Roh Moo-Hyun's 'Participatory Government. The study is summarized into two different directions: characterization and rationalization. Characteristics of the government's rural development policies during the President Roh Moo-Hyun's 'Participatory Government (2003-2008) were three folds. First, the government has been more concerned with rural income level problems than those of living-environment standards. Second, the effect of the government's rural development policies has depended heavily upon both 'green tourism' and 'regional renovation'. Third, it has emphasized the applications of bottom-up approach particularly. This study found out a couple of problems about the rationales of the recent rural development policies; First, the developmental potentials and effects of policy measures which designate the rural green tourism, the regional renovation, and the bottom-up approach etc. were all over-estimated. Second, the structure of recent rural development policies was not vivid enough. Policy targets and measures have been proposed very vaguely; therefore, they have caused difficulties in identifying the actual feasibility and appropriateness of the rural development policies.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.23-33
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• 2004

The Roh Moo-hyun Government of Korea with highest fierily establishes policy framework and measures to accomplish the goal of regionally balanced development. With the vision "constructing a county in which every region provides high quality of life with its own specificity" and basic strategy "self-sustained localization", the policy framework is geared to economic aspects of development rather than cultual or social aspects. Subsequently, policy measures are also focused on such economic tools as regional innovation system, strategic industry, or industrial cluster. This paper suggests that future policy of balance development should set clear definition of balanced development, be based on a though evaluation of the Bast policy measures, and draw several fresh ideas which match characteristics of each region. These policy directions should be given higher power of practice with efficient organizational support.

• Journal of health informatics and statistics
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• v.43 no.4
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• pp.274-281
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• 2018

Objectives: The purpose of this study is to comprehensively compare the trends of health administration and health policy in the field of health care using the semantic network analysis in the inaugural address of the Ministry of Health and Welfare of each regime in Korea. Methods: This study used a language network analysis method that uses Korean Key Words In Context (KrKwic) program and NetMiner program in sequence. The analysis was conducted by Minister Hwa-joong Kim during the Moo-hyun Roh government, Minister Jae-hee Jeon during the Myung-bak Lee government, Minister Young Jin of Geun-hye Park government and Government Jae-in Moon's inaugural address of Neung-Hoo Park Minister, respectively. Results: The key words differentiated by each regime are that the Moo-hyun Roh Government's Minister Hwa-joong Kim had high connection centrality values in the words 'balanced development', 'comprehensive' and 'reform'. Minister Jae-Hee Jeon of Myung-bak Lee Government had high connection centrality values in the words 'poverty' and 'return'. In the case of Minister Young Jin of Geun-hye Park Government had high connection centrality values in the words 'demand', 'Customized' and 'Life cycle'. In the case of Minister Neung-Hoo Park of Jae In Moon Government had high connection centrality values in the words 'Welfare state', 'Embracing' and 'Soundness'. Conclusions: If the role of health administration in the health care field and the health care policies are constantly changed according to the policies of each regime, it is inconsistent and it is difficult to approach from the long term perspective for public health promotion. In the future, health policy should be developed and implemented with a long-term perspective and consistency based on the consensus and participation of the people with less influence on the change and direction of each government's policies.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.1-10
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• 2007

Roh Moo-Hyun government promotes the livable community or region making as a new regionally balanced development policy since 2006. The livable community making is to make a local community into a beautiful, delightful(community with the amenity), and distinctive community by an initiative effort of local autonomy and people to upgrade both quality of space and life. It is appreciated widely that this policy is essential and also timely in terms of the qualitative development of Korean society. However, they must understand and utilize the geographical characteristics of community or region throughly to accomplish the livable community making successfully. This paper examines geographers's participation and contribution to direction and task of the livable community making.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.31-54
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• 2011

This study investigates the nature of the welfare state under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime focusing on participatory democracy in the policy decision making procedure for the National Health Insurance. Participatory democracy was introduced not for the qualitative development of Korean democracy but for securing political legitimacy to change the Korean economic structure after the IMF financial crisis. Although participatory democracy played the positive role in winning higher benefit level in National Health Insurance. an index for the development of the welfare state, in 2007 A policy of higher benefit level ended in failure because of the pursuit of the neoliberal ideology, lack of government's responsibility for public finance, and thwarting policy holders' substantial participation in the decision-making process. Like those of past welfare systems, participatory democracy under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime was introduced for securing political legitimacy. But it was managed under restrictions imposed by pro-economic-growth ideology. Nevertheless, the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun governments are different from the former welfare states because of the fact that participatory democracy system is not 'service' system but 'political structure' and the fact that the grant of powers by participatory democracy played positive roles in the development of welfare state through request of higher benefit level policy.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.60 no.1
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• pp.159-185
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• 2008

The balance between centralization (power concentrated nationally) and decentralization (power devolved to local government) is a perennial issue in the field of social welfare administration. In the design of social welfare administration, values and assumptions related to decentralization and centralization generally are expressed in choices concerning pluralism versus uniformity, small versus large. In this context, this article tried to find and analyze the problems of financial decentralization of social welfare pursued by No Moo-hyun government. The decentralization of social welfare caused horizontal inequity between local governments, lack of social welfare finance of local government, and impediment of local government finance autonomy.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.27-55
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• 2008

This paper tries to introduce most recent trends of Korean family policies during Roh, Moo Hyun Government of March 2003-February 2008. Focusing on the gender perspectives, discussions are, for heuristic purposes, centered around three major family issues in S. Korea, one of the most dynamically changing societies in the world: 1) the abolishment of male-centered traditional Family Registry System('the hoju') and the launching of brand-new Family Record Book of five different versions for individual from January 2008; 2) the application of Framework Act On Healthy Homes, a first formal measure to step in various forms of family break-ups these days; and 3) the emergence of Multi-Cultural Family Protection Act, thanks to a massive volume of international marriage migrants from overseas. It can be said that all these family policies are the result of rapidly changing socio-demographic trends into an aging society since 1990s. These trends include late/no marriage with low birth rates, high divorce(and thus remarriage) rates, breakdown of male-breadwinner family model and increase of dual-income family, and a sudden increment of international marriage particularly in rural areas. All in all, overall trends of Korean family life these days that have been taking place so far would provide an excellent exemplary how to deal with an unprecedented societal challenges with the brand-new family policies.

• Health Policy and Management
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.387-398
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• 2021

Moon Jae-in Care can be seen as a 2.0 version of Roh Moo-Hyun Care. Just as Roh Care failed to achieve its coverage rate goal and 30% share of public beds, Moon Care also failed to achieve its expected goal. The reason is that it followed Roh Care's failed strategy. Failure to control non-covered services has led to a long way to achieve a 70% coverage rate and induced the expansion of voluntary indemnity insurance, resulting in increased public burden. The universal coverage of non-covered services caused an immediate backlash from doctors. And Moon government also failed to control the private insurance market. The expansion of publicly owned beds has not become realized and has not obtained public support. Above all, it failed to overcome the resistance of doctors and failed to obtain consent from budget power groups in the cabinet for public investment. It was also insufficient to win the support of civic groups. Communication with interested groups failed and the role of private health care providers was neglected. The next government should also continue to strengthen health care coverage, but it should prioritize preventing medical poor and create a consensus with both medical providers and consumers for the control of non-covered services. Ahead of the super-aged society, the establishment of linkage between medical services and long-term care and visiting health care or welfare services is an important task. All public and private provisions and resources should be utilized in the view of a comprehensive public health perspective, and public investment should be input in sectors where public medical institutions can perform more effective functions. The next government, which will be launched in 2022, should design a new paradigm for health care in the face of a period of transformation, such as the coming super-aged society in 2026 and the Fourth Industrial Revolution, and recognize that the capabilities of the health care system represent the nation's overall capacity.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.529-552
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• 2013

This study examines how individual attitudes towards government and society are affected by political conservatism and liberalism. With survey data from 533 adults(M=249, F=284) who live in Seoul and surrounding areas, we examine the general attitudes towards society, expectation on general government and differences in attitudes towards the Roh Moo-hyun Gov't and the Lee Myung-bak Gov't between liberals and conservatives. Results show that liberals and conservatives vary by age and residence, whereas attitudes towards the general government and society are not. By contrast, liberals and conservatives are distinctly different evaluating governments with specific political tendency. Liberals are more positive to the Roh Moo-hyun Gov't than conservatives whereas the evaluation appears conversely on the Lee Myung-bak Gov't. These differences of attitudes are more distinctive when dividing liberals and conservatives by subjective judgement and political party preference than conceptual measurement of political ideology. These findings suggest that political conservatism and liberalism is the factor that has powerfully affected individual attitudes in the specific political context rather than a consistent ideological framework in Korean society.

• International Journal of Contents
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• v.16 no.4
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• pp.84-97
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• 2020

Since national image video advertisements are a means of public relations with wide delivery and major repercussions at home and abroad, this study performs a comparative analysis of video advertisements aired by previous governments as reported by Daejung Kim, Moohyun Roh, Myungbak Lee, and Geunhye Park. The characteristics of the previous governments, whether or not social trends were reflected, and the importance of traditional and modern elements were examined. As we describe, there are clear differences in video advertisements by government regime, and while messages expressing traditional values of Eastern culture have gradually decreased, reflecting the trends of the times, the messages emphasizing the modern values of the West have gradually increased. Our research confirmed that traditional elements such as 'Samulnori' and 'Taekwondo' are gradually disappearing. In addition, it was confirmed that the collective values, traditional values, and humanism represented by the 'large crowd' and 'traditional elements' in the Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun administration changed in the Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye administrations to more individualistic, materialistic, Western values. This study is meaningful in that it analyzed the components and characteristics of national image advertisements by governments in the past, how social trends were reflected, and the weight difference between traditional and modern elements. Based on this research, the significance of the current Moon Jae-in government's groundwork for follow-up research should not be understated.