• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.3
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• pp.52-67
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• 2021

This study is an attempt to explore the roles of and the collaborative relationship between Daheojang and Maedeupjang. Daheojang and Maedeupjang share a similar manufacturing process. However, in modern times, Daheojang totally disappeared, and Maedeupjang was designated as an intangible cultural property. The present study will investigate the role of Daheojang and Maedeupjang based on the literature of the Joseon dynasty. Daheojang were craftsmen who made bands and strings of woven or twisted silk strands. They made mangsu and tassels or made knots to produce magnificent artifacts. Maedeupjang complete all steps of the process, from refining, dyeing, combining threads, daheo, maedeup, to the tassel. Daheojang in the Joseon dynasty was the center of this process. Daheojang belonged to almost all Uigwe because it used items ranging from large uso to cushion straps. Dahoe is a craft with various items and techniques. It has been widely used to produce majestic items like formal dresses, ritual ceremony pieces, and mountings, as well as daily items like jodae, pocket straps, and norigae. Based on the records of Uigwe in the late Joseon dynasty, the study explored the collaborative relationship between Daheojang and Maedeupjang. Sambang, the room where both Daheojang and Maedeupjang belong, was the room to produce the royal chair. The royal chair essentially includes large uso. The large uso is an artifact that ties a knot in a thick circle more than two meters long. While Daheojang made rounded daheo, Maedeupjang made delicate and balanced knots. Also, they produced royal inscriptions together with a royal seal with decorative mangsu and a seal of thick rounded daheo. In order to learn about traditional technology, it is necessary to study the system of the times and social trends. Therefore, the study focused on Daheojang, who were common master craftsmen during the Joseon dynasty but now are not familiar to most people.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.10
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• pp.767-773
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• 2021

This thesis is a study on the rhythm of the funeri dance among the East Coast Guts. The jangdans used in the East Coast Gut are used for dance, samurai, and play scenes. In addition, it is a means for the shaman to perform the gut smoothly, and it also includes a role to represent humans and gods. In particular, the funeri jangdan has been performed in the preparatory stage before worshiping the god, prior to the ceremony of worshiping the god. Therefore, it can be said that it is a meaningful jangdan with a procedure for preparing to welcome the god and performing rituals and bows. In fact, if you are constrained by time while performing a gut, long jangdans respond with fast jangdans and sing samurai. On the other hand, the funeri jangdan is played without omission without any special measures. However, there are cases where one of Chapter 1 or Chapter 2 is omitted for circumstances, or only Chapter 3 is played. In other words, the verse of chapter 3 must be played. Judging from this aspect, it can be confirmed that the functional and ceremonial part of this jangdan is important to the progress of the funery jangdan. Therefore, if the position and function of the jangdan are recognized and the work is created through this study, its artistry and tradition will be further developed, and it is thought that it can be a stepping stone to increase the value of traditional art.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.19
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• pp.317-346
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• 2009

Soongeuimyo is a shrine which has Liu Bei 劉備 as the main ceremonial figure and also Guan Yu 關羽 and Zhang Fai 張飛 as ceremonial figures as well as 8 others such as Zhege Liang, Zhao Yun, Ma Chao, Huang Zhong, Uang Bo, Zhou Zhang, Zhao Ru, and Guan Ping. Since one of the ceremonial figures is Guan Yu, it has been considered and discussed as a Guanwangmyo 關王廟. It is also witnessed by the terms called the East, South, or North tomb that were the existing Guanwangmyo, or even 'West' tomb 西廟. Of course, the relationship between Guanwangmyo and Soongeuimyo cannot be excluded because they both have Guan Yu. However, Soongeuimyo is different from Guanwangmyo in some aspects. Soongeuimyo was of a higher grade than Guanwangmyo in the quality of the ceremonial figures, and it had a completely different music and dances 악무, in which it included court music(雅樂), orchestra for court music(雅樂樂懸), and Yugilmu 六佾舞. Since the first enshrinement ritual in April 27, 1904, the period of Soongeuimyo Jerye was performed for only 4 years until the close in July, 1908, which made it less known. Furthermore, because Japanese Governor General used Soongeuimyo land as orphanages and schools for the blind and the dumb, the tomb areas were completely destroyed and the space to recall memories of Soongeuimyo was lost. However, Soongeuimyo Jerye was one of the country's important ceremonies conducted as Joong Sa 中祀 with complete assessment of traditional music and dance for Jerye. Also, as a Jerye that Go Jong 高宗 designed as a strong soldier policy after his coronation as an emperor to enhance Dae Han empire's military power, it has much significance as Dae Han empire's last national ceremony newly created besides Hwangu Jerye 圜丘祭 after his coronation.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.107-135
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• 2014

Cham identities which are socially constructed and multilayered, display their markers in a variety of elements, including homeland attachment to the former Kingdom of Champa, religion, language and cultural traditions, to mention a few. However, unlike other contemporary diasporic experience which binds the homeland and the host country, the Cham diaspora in Cambodia has a unique pattern as it seems to have no voice in the political and economic spheres in Vietnam, its homeland. The relations between the Cham in Cambodia and Vietnam seem to be limited to cultural heritages such as Cham musical traditions, traditional clothing, and the architectural heritage. Many Cham people have established networks outside Cambodia with areas of the Muslim world, like Malaysia, Indonesia, southern Thailand and the Middle Eastern countries. Pursuing education or training in Islam as well as working in those countries, especially Malaysia has become a way for the Cham to widen their networks and increase their knowledge of particularly, Islam. Returning to Cambodia, these people become religious teachers or ustadz (Islamic teachers in the pondok [Islamic boarding school]). This has developed slowly, side by side with the formation of their identity as Cham Muslims. Among certain Cham, the absence of an ancient cultural heritage as an identity marker has been replaced by the Islamic culture as the important element of identity. However, being Cham is not a single identity, it is fluid and contested. Many scholars argue that the Cham in Cambodia constitute three groups: the Cham Chvea, Cham, and Cham Bani (Cham Jahed). The so-called Cham Jahed has a unique practice of Islam. Unlike other Cham who pray five times a day, Cham Jahed people pray, once a week, on Fridays. They also have a different ritual for the wedding ceremony which they regard as the authentic tradition of the Cham. Indeed, they consider themselves pure descendants of the Cham in Vietnam; retaining Cham traditions and tending to maintain their relationship with their fellow Cham in Central Vietnam. In terms of language, another marker of identity, the Cham and the Cham Jahed share the same language, but Cham Jahed preserve the written Cham script more often than the Cham. Besides, the Cham Jahed teaches the language to the young generation intensively. This paper, based on fieldwork in Cambodia in 2010 and 2011 will focus on the process of the formation of the Cham identity, especially of those called Cham and Cham Jahed.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.176-199
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• 2020

In 2018, the National Museum of Korea purchased a pair of Japanese folding screens, respectively entitled Gathering on the Year's First "Day of the Rat" and Boating on the Oi River. Both of these two screens (hereinafter collectively referred to as the "NMK edition") have a gold background that bears the seal and ink inscription of Tosa Mitsuyoshi (1700-1772), who served as edokoro azukari, a painter in the court of Kyoto. According to the seller in New York, the screens were brought from Japan to the United States in the early twentieth century, but no other details are known. Each folding screen has six panels. The screen on the right (i.e., Gathering…) depicts "nenohi no asobi," an annual event conducted on the first "day of the rat" (according to the Asian zodiacal calendar), wherein the Kyoto imperial court ventured to the woods to gather pine seedlings. The left screen (i.e., Boating…) shows three boats traveling down the Oi River in Kyoto, representing the ritual known as "mifune" (literally, "three boats"), which involves three boats representing Chinese classical poetry (kansi), Japanese classical poetry (waka), and Japanese imperial music and dance (gagaku). Notably, these two screens are identical in theme and iconography to two screens with the same respective titles that were commissioned by Emperor Komei (1831-1867) and painted by Ukita Ikkei (1795-1859), an artist of the Yamato-e Revivalist School (fukko yamato-e), now in the collection of Sennyu-ji Temple in Kyoto (hereinafter collectively referred to as the "Sennyu edition"). While both of these themes have been painted independently numerous times, the NMK edition and Sennyu edition are the only known cases of the themes being painted as a single set. According to Diary of Official Business Between the Court and Shogunate (the journal of a court official named Hirohashi Kanetane, 1715-1781), Tosa Mitsuyoshi was commissioned in 1760 to replace the fusuma (rectangular sliding panels) of Tsunegoten, one of the buildings of the Kyoto Imperial Palace, which had been built in 1709. Notably, records show that Tsunegoten once contained a series of fusuma painted by an artist of the Kano school on the themes "Outdoor Procession on a Spring Day" and "Three Boats Cruising on the Oi River." Hence, it seems probable that Tosa Mitsuyoshi was influenced by the theme and iconography of the existing fusuma in producing his own folding screens depicting the court's visit to the forest and a cruise on the Oi River. While the practice of collecting pine seedlings on the first "rat day" of the year was an auspicious event to pray for longevity, the mifune ritual was intended to honor the greatest talents of the three aforementioned arts, which were of crucial importance to the court of Kyoto. Folding screens with such auspicious themes were commonly featured at the ceremony to enthrone the emperor or empress. Significantly, the Diary of Official Business Between the Court and Shogunate also records that Tosa Mitsuyoshi, while working as a court artist, produced two pairs of folding screens for the coronation of Empress Go Sakuramachi (1762-1771), which was held in 1763. Hence, research suggests that the NMK edition is one of the pairs of royal folding screens produced at that time.

• Korean journal of food and cookery science
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• v.24 no.6
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• pp.801-810
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• 2008

The principal objective of this study was to assess Korea's traditional ritual food culture, and to compare two types of ancestral rites the Hyang-Sa and Bool-cheon-wi rites which were held in the Daegu and Andong regions of Korea. In this study, we describe the performance of the Bool-cheon-wi rites held by two head families located near the Andong area namely, the head family of Seoae Ryu Seong-Ryong(1542-1607)(Seoae) who was well-respected for his writings and personality, and the head family of Dangye Ha Wee-Ji(1412-1456)(Dangye) who was well-known and famous as one of the members of the Sa-ryuk-sin. This research was conducted via diredt engagement in these memorial services and several interviews with the families. The results were summarized as follows; Foods used in the Hyang-sa rites including Mae(bap), Kook, Jaban(Jogee), Po(dried fish), Juck, boiled and seasoned vegetables, fruits, confections, and liquor. Jobap and Ssalbap were used as Mae at SD(Seo Dalsung), and PMPH(Pahoi Myogul Habin Park) used Jo, Hyunmy, Pi and Susu in the raw. The dishes on the table were arranged as follows. A wine cup was placed in the first row, Po(a dried pollack), and jujube and nuts in the second row, Ryukpo(slices of dried beef), Sangeogogi were set at the third row, and Soegogi, pork, Mu, and Minary were placed in the fourth row, and the head of the pig was placed in the center of the table at SD. A wine cup, Soegogi, and pork were positioned in the first row, Mu, Minary, Pi and Susu were placed in the second row, and Jogee, Jo, and Hyunmy were placed in the third row at PMPH. The sacrificial foods offered for Bool-cheon-wi rites were as follows; Mae(bap) Kook noodle Jogee Tang(stew) Po Juck Tucks boiled, seasoned and salted vegetables Jeon fruit confectioneries liquor(chungju). The head family of Seoae Yu Seong-Ryong utilized 5 types of Tang(meat stew, fish stew, chicken stew, vegetable stew, seafood stew), whereas the head family of Dangye Ha Wee-Ji utilized 3 kinds of Tang(meat stew, fish stew, vegetable stew). As a basic Tuck, Shi-roo-tuck(a steamed rice cake), piled up to 25 layers, was primarily utilized. In particular, Jung-Gae(Seoae's favorite food) was placed on the table. For grilled-meat food(Juck), Yu's family used raw meat and Ha's family the half-cooked meat. The main types of Jucks used were meat-Juck, fish-Juck, chicken-Juck, and these were not served one by one. Hyang-sa and Bool-cheon-wi rites have an the educational function, in that they allow for the carrying out of filial duties by a heartfelt performance of performing the ceremony, by taking great care from the pre-rite preparations to the post-rite period. In addition, these rites have various meanings, as events that strengthen the ties of blood relations of ancestors and themselves, and to promote and harmonize family friendships, they may also have religious meaning in the culture, as prayers are offered that all the family's descendants may be blessed, live long and enjoy abundance whlie respecting their ancestors. As for the role of Hyang-sa and Bool-cheon-wi rites in today's nuclear family society, it can be said that these rites remain especially important as a method to strengthen community consciousness by fostering an understanding of the meaning of existence itself, and thus inspiring the roots of consciousness.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.33
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• pp.243-271
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• 2016

When an aggressive war reached at the climax in 1940, a commemorative event called celebration' was held on a large scale in Japan for 'beginning former 2,600 years. It was performed for the policy that was going to break off the fatigue that was tired for nation dissatisfaction and war for the politics. I considered Urayasu-no-mai Dance played as part of a celebration event in a Shinto shrine of the all over Japan how was created and spread by this article Urayasu-no-mai Dance was created newly and was played in Shinto shrines of the whole country. The Urayasu-no-mai Dance was created based on Gagaku and Miko Mai (shrine maiden's dance) that has been read aloud not to go out of the ancient times. It was created in the situation of the war and spread and was spread. It will be said that Urayasu Dance is a typical example of 'forged traditional'. Urayasu Dance is a tradition made at modern time and remains for an unfortunate inheritance used again by the advertising tool of the national ideology. The Urayasu-no-mai Dance is expanded more now, without enough consideration about the historic procession other words, It played under a strong-arm society atmosphere is placed as new folk performing arts all too soon. In the complicated world situation at the time, Urayasu-no-mai Dance that emphasized a Japanese tradition for the inside and outside were spread. Urayasu-no-mai Dance created in modern times substitutes a traditional shaman dance, and there is even the tendency that ritual performing arts peculiar to each local Shinto shrine is unified to Urayasu-no-mai Dance. Such a movement shows a new aspect of the culture power that social turning to the right in Japan is not unrelated to becoming it. It is a traditional reinvention, or do you forge the tradition? I examined a process of a process and the spread of traditional creation produced consistently.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.198-221
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• 2009

Royal tombs of Joseon dynasty are the crystallization of history, ideology, culture, art, architecture, and ritual ceremony of Joseon dynasty, all mingled in one. So, they are very significant symbols showing 500 years of dynastic history as a whole. Among various factors comprising a royal tomb, stone figures surrounding grave mound are special factors as a symbol protecting it. Further among them, twelve zodiac images arrayed nearest to the grave mound represent the core of the function. Images of twelve zodiac signs originated from the tombs of the Unified Silla Kingdom are certain to hold important role and position in the construction of royal tombs, judging from huge scale and excellent sculptural art of them. However, both their scale and form had been gradually simplified in Goryeo and Joseon dynasty, thus the importance of them has been underestimated compared to other stone figures Images of twelve zodiac signs were very important factors which decorated royal tombs both as a protective role and as a concept of direction. Their historicity and symbolism cannot be neglected in that they had been transmitted to the royal tombs of Joseon dynasty. In this paper, images of twelve zodiac signs expressed in the royal tombs of Joseon dynasty are classified into 3 forms, and reviewed the origin and development of them for each period. They could be classified into 3 forms ; civil vassals with human body and head, civil vassals with human body and head wearing hat decorated with zodiac animals, Chinese characters of either zodiac signs or either a combination of 10 calendar signs and 8 trigrams. The above 3 forms originated from China and became a favorite motif to decorate the royal tombs from early Joseon period until late Joseon by replacing each other and thus changing along the course of the dynasty. In the meantime, we can see a unique character in the images of twelve zodiac signs of royal tombs of Joseon dynasty. In some cases, 24 directions are expressed in which 10 calender signs and 8 trigrams are composed altogether. Images of twelve zodiac signs in the royal bombs of Joseon dynasty are very significant as evidences by which we can confirm uniqueness and tradition of Korean tomb system transmitted from Unified Silla period.