• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.123-139
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• 2003

This study examines the characteristics of 45 sects of seven new aboriginal religious groups in Korea including Jeungsan sect, Tangun sect, Soowoon sect, Won Buddhism, Bongnam sect, Gahksedo sect, Shamanism sect through field study and various documents. The purpose of the study is to elucidate how their religious ideas are reflected in their ceremonial costumes and what characteritics and underlying meanings these costumes have, and I reached the following conclusions 1. The new religious groups in Korea modified or mixed the designs or names of existing outfits to convey their ideas or beliefs in their costumes. 2. The costumes of new religious groups turned out to have certain characteristics in common: they all reflected the times, Korean tradition, ancestor worship. 3. I looked at the symbolicity, names, and types of the outfit, and their color scheme to establish their structural characteristics, and it turned out that they an symbolized the creeds and ideas of each religion. The names of the costumes such as Way-Robe, Law-Robe, and Ceremony-Robe, for instance, had to do with Buddhism Taoism, and Confucianism. The most common type of costume consisted of traditional hanbok top, pant, robe, and some type of headpiece for men, and hanbok top and, skirt for women, and if women were to wear a robe, it usually meant the sect believed in sexual equality. There was also a tendency to simplify or minimize the dress code, which seems to indicate that the sect was trying to adapt itself to, the times. The most common type of the outer garment for men was a robe with narrow sleeves, straight lapel, and no slits, and a robe with wide sleeves, straight lapel, and slits for women. The color scheme of the costumes included blue, white, yellow, red, and black, reflecting the influence of the Yin-Yang and Five Elements idea and traditional preference for white of Koreans. 4. These religious costumes were worn at various ceremonies, ritual, and various anniversary services for the master and other dignitaries of the sect to render greater piety to those gatherings, to distinguish the sect from other religious groups, to clarify the meaning of the ceremony, and to heighten the devout feelings of the participants. Thus, the structure (the symbolicity, names, and types of the outfit, and their color scheme) and religious background of the costumes of the new aboriginal religious groups in Korea turned out to have inherited and mixed various element of traditional Korean outfit and those of existing religions to symbolize their religious ideas. Many religions in and fall, and each has its own dress codes, and I hope this study provides a framework and data for other researchers and leaders of new religious groups that will emerge in the future.

• CRM연구
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.1-18
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• 2011

The consumer's expectation of companies' social responsibilities has been continuously getting higher as the consumerism has been matured. So, the company has faced the shift to move forward to the positive social activity such as charity, donation, and sponsorship. In addition, the company which does make a success needs to reach goals not only to maximize profits but also to make justices of social and cultural boundaries. Thus, success of an enterprise aims at the maximization of profits as the economic objective and the creation of competitive, powerful brands. Accordingly, as enterprises consider social responsibility as the concept of effective investment to enhance the asset value of corporation, they seek to extend their brands in order to pursue cause-related marketing, which accomplishes and complements two objectives each other the performance of social responsibility and the pursuit of powerful brand assets. In Korea, there are traditional ritual ceremonies such as ceremonies of coming-of-age, marriage, funeral, and ancestor worship and they consider those ceremony occasions as very important. Moreover, social positional grade of rank like the two upper classes of old Korea made people pretend to be noble and sensitive to other people around themselves. This old custom could influence Korean people's way of life, especially, consumer-action. This deep rooted custom also could influence consumption life considerably. Through this study, we can understand the consumer behaviors of Korean who consider ritual ceremonies and saving face as essential and are influenced by this culture. on another hand, we intend to check the effects on buying luxury brands.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.75-96
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• 2011

This research investigated the facts about the place and date of praying for the engraving of the first edition of Tripitaka Koreana. Major findings are as follows: 1) The very first idea of engraving the first edition of Tripitaka Koreana was evidenced in the record of 'The beginning of Tripitaka Koreana' from 'Daejanggakpan Gunsin Gigomun' written by YiGyuBo. 2) After comparing the contents of 'Daejanggakpan Gunsin Gigomun' with the record of the third volume of 'Goryeosa Jeolyo' dated February 13, 1011, this researcher confirmed that 'Daejanggakpan Gunsin Gigomun' also recorded this historical fact. 3) In the third volume of 'Goryeosa Jeolyo' dated February 13th, 1011, it is documented that a ritual was held to pray to the gods of heaven and earth for expelling the Kitan from the country. Further, the document states that this particular ritual consisted of a ceremony of lanterns held at the temporary palace in Cheongju on February 15th, to report to the gods on 'the engraving of the first edition of Tripitaka Koreana' 4) Therefore, it is verified that the date of praying for the engraving of the first edition of Tripitaka Koreana was February 15th of the lunar calendar, 1011(the second year of King Hyunjong's reign), and the place was the temporary palace in Cheongju.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.33-50
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• 2013

The purpose of this study was to seek the spatial organization and prototype landscape through literature reviews, historical evidences, and field surveys for Donggwanwangmyo(東關王廟) shrine in Seoul. The results were as follows : First, the basic layout of the main buildings in Donggwanwangmyo which is the remains influenced by China had bilateral symmetry on the central axis between the north and south. Second, the Chinese forms and features were found at Jeong-jeon and middle gate in Donggwanwangmyo, and the symbolic elements of royal authority was also found in each space of Donggwanwangmyo. Third, spatial organization was classified as the entrance and the ritual area, and the entrance area was maintained by administrators and was used as the place of ritual ceremony preparation. Fourth, the original form of Donggwanwangmyo had been damaged due to the project for making urban park in the 1970s. The most of the existing trees and shrubs which are not suitable to the shrine should be removed to recover the original landscape of Donggwanwangmyo and chui-byoung(翠屛), pond, landscape facilities also needed to be restored. Fifth, Donggwanwangmyo needed to reorganize the pious atmosphere to recover of the shrine environment, and needed to be reclassified as historical site. Finally, some criticizes that Donggwanwangmyo is the result of Toadyism, but Donggwanwangmyo can be used as the valuable tourism resource through the awareness that Donggwanwangmyo was built under the situation of Joseon Dynasty, and organization and understanding that Donggwanwangmyo is a symbolic remains for the exchange between Korea and China.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.169-211
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• 2004

As for the "Guang-Xi(廣西)", "Dong-Shan(東山)", "Yao-Ju(瑤族)", folklore culture to achieve the substratum (New Year manners and customs, a passage rites, folk belief, dwelling folklore, agriculture and a farming machine) generally very received an influence of "Han-zu(漢族)" for the reason that an interchange was active early with "Han-zu(漢族)". However, a traditional form of "Yao-Ju(瑤族)" is covered the base with. Even if it is a national holiday commemorateing the birth of the "Pan-Gu(盤古)" which is ancestors of all "Yao-zu(瑤族)" during New Year manners and customs, songs as "ku-jia(哭嫁)" consisting at the time of marriage during a lot of ritual, "zhaoxu-hun (招婿婚)" and the "liangtou-che(兩頭扯)" marriages which are a classic marriage of "Yao-zu(瑤族)", a ritual format, master "Shi-Gong(師公)" of faith of "Yao-zu(瑤族)" are. Also, a difference is in dwelling folklore related to construction or this very much in "Han-zu(漢族)" and the various sides. It is the part where toilets to use are quite different from the Korean race in a tool, the outside written with the dwelling formal characteristics that are structure, "the ceremony of putting up the ridge beam" in, for example, two folds. Agriculture and a farming machine are basically similar to it of the Korean race, but it is a degree with some transformation by environment and the local cause.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.211-219
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• 2021

Chinese Tibetan Opera is a highly comprehensive drama type, which combines the educational aesthetic characteristics of the realism of Western drama and the freehand of Chinese opera, including mask play, square play, ritual play and religious play. Tibetan opera, as a kind of local drama, has high research value, which is determined by its educational aesthetic characteristics. The world's three major dramas include Sanskrit dramas in India, tragic-comedies in ancient Greece and Chinese dramas, which have different forms of expression and educational aesthetic characteristics. Because of the particularity of its birthplace, Tibetan Opera inherits some of the three forms of the above three dramas. Ancient Greek tragedies originate from the sacrificial ritual of the god of wine. In the early ceremonial action performances, the actors were all men and needed to wear masks to perform. In Tibetan opera, men also play a role in masks, which are originated from the folk totem dance and religious pantomime music and dance. Due to the long history of Indian Sanskrit drama, except for the relevant records in dance theory, the specific performance form can not be verified. However, according to the relevant records in dance theory, the three characters "Wenba", "Jialu" and "Lamu" in the opening play of Tibetan opera are similar to the "concept character play" in Sanskrit opera. Tibetan Opera is a very important part of traditional Chinese opera, which inherits the educational aesthetic characteristics of Chinese opera.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.55-94
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• 2010

Even Faxian(法顯)'s Gaosengfaxianchuan (『高僧法顯傳』) and Iching(義淨)'s Nanhaijiguineifachuan (『南海寄歸內法傳』) are regarded as very important and useful documents to study the southeast asian buddhist culture, it is very difficult to grasp the contemporary state of those area because their descriptions are very brief and implicit. Therefore this essay aimed an in-depth reading their documents as original texts of modern understanding of those area, and tried to make a new views to approach the southeast asian buddhist culture by some more historically and concretely. At the early 5th century when Faxian(法顯) arrived, Buddhism was flourished in Sri Lanka. Because already a long time passed since the Saṇgha was schismatized into conservative and progressive at around the dominical year, he mentioned nothing about the conflict or disharmony of two orders. And the faith of Buddha tooth relic, which had been uprisen at 50 years ago from Faxian's visiting, was concretely established as a representative religion of Sri Lanka. According to his record, the carrying ritual of this Buddha tooth was performed very magnificently as similar with recent Korean Youngsan ceremony(靈山齋). In the mean time, it looks there were many sculptures of Buddha image made of precious stone of special product from Sri Lanka. The faith of Buddha-pāda(the Buddha's foot-prints) was also generalized at that time. The most famous monk of his contemporary Sir Lanka was Buddhaghosa, the author of Visuddhi-magga, but it is not sure that Faxian had met him. It can be suspected that the funeral in which Faxian participated could be belonged to him, or the Visuddhi-magga was writing at the peak during Faxian's staying. On the way to return to China, Faxian embarked an indigenous ship around Indonesia. It means there were no chinese trade ship which he can use. So the trade between china and southeast asia was advanced by south asian ships, and the chinese ships were not yet joined at that time so activity. And at least until that time, it looks there were no any remarkable buddhist movement in the southeast asian countries by where he stopped. In contrast, the southeast asian world which be seen by Iching had already experienced a lot of changes. He was impressed by the high quality buddhist culture of those area, and insisted to accept it to china. Further, he analyzed the sects of buddhism which were prevalent around the southeast asia in his contemporary time, and tried to make a good relationship with each native monks for learning from them. It looks the center of those exchanges may be Śrīvijaya of Indonesia. He also mentioned the situation of the late 7th century's Funan(扶南) in Cambodia. At that time, the buddhist Saṇgha was oppressed by newly rising Khmer(眞臘). On the other hand, he described the points of sameness and difference in detail between Indian and southeast asian buddhist culture in the field of ritual as like the practical use of garments, buddha images, and daily recited scriptures. There must be a lot of another aspects which this essay couldn't gather up or catch from these documents. Nevertheless, I hope this essay can help the researchers of this field and will wait for any advices and comments from them.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.25 no.5
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• pp.739-751
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• 2015

This study investigated the table settings used in Bul-chun-wi sacrificial rituals in Sangju, Gyeongpook Province. This study took place from May 2014 to April 2015 and incorporated field research and literature review. The subjects of the study were Sojae jongga (family head), Wolgan jongga, Ubook jongga and Ipjae jongga. There were four rows in the table setting of the Wolgan, whereas there were five rows in the other jonggas. In row 5, there were fruits, seeds and confections. In row 4, there were vegetables. In row 3, there was tang (stew); in row 2, juk (steamed meats or fishes) and pyun (rice cake); and in row 1, meh (boiled rice), geng (soup) and myun (noodles). The common food setting was arranged in the order of meh, geng, myun, ganjang (Korean soy sauce), poh (dried meat/fish), chimchae (water kimchi), dates, chestnuts, pears, persimmons, walnuts, bracken, bellflowers, croaker, pyun, and ssam (rice wrapped in lettuce leaves). Ubook jongga had the most number of stews at seven. Sojae and Ipjae jongga each had five stews, and Wolgan jongga had three. The smaller Wolgan jongga had gehjuk (boiled chicken), uhjuk (steamed fish) and yookjuk (boiled meat) arranged in a neat pile on one dish used for rituals, whereas Ubook jongga had gehjuk, uhjuk and yookjuk arranged separately. Sojae and Ipjae jongga had gehjuk arranged separately while yookjuk and uhjuk were arranged as dojuk (gehjuk, uhjuk, yookjuk). The uhjuk was arranged separately. In Wolgan jongga, po was arranged on the right while in the other jonggas, it was arranged to the left. For raw meat Ubook jongga, raw mackerel; Ipjae jongga, raw croaker, and Sojae jongga Yukhoe (beef tartare) were set. However, pork, chicken and croaker were cooked. Other ritual food were used in seasoning and boiling. In the geng Wolgan and Ipjae jongga used miyeokguk (seawood soup), whereas Sojae and Ubook jongga used tangguk (meat soup with vegetables). For the ritual food, most jongga ordered yoogwa, yakgwa and bonpyun as one part, rice cakes (steamed rice cake, glutinous rice cake, jeungpyun, gyungdan), and jehju (alcohol). The other ritual food was prepared on the day by jongga.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.45
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• pp.263-289
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• 2014

King Munjong(文宗), the eleventh King of the Goryeo Dynasty, was the son of King Hyeonjong(顯宗), the eighth king, and the younger stepbrother(異母弟) of King Jeongjong(靖宗), the 10th king. Although King Jeongjong had four sons, he abdicated the throne to King Munjong. King Taejo(太祖) had opened the possibility for sons other than the eldest son to succeed to the throne. When King Jeongjong died, his sons were children under the age of 10 years. In the early period of the Goryeo Dynasty, when kings had young sons, there were precedents of abdicating the throne to their grown-up younger brothers. In addition, King Jeongjong and Munjong had an identical blood background. During the period, Goryeo people also naturally accepted the fact that a former king's younger brother succeeded to the throne. In this background, King Munjong ascended the throne. However, King Munjong did not ascend the throne after identifying state affairs with politic power. Therefore, he needed to increase his authority as the king. Moreover, as the sons of King Jeongjong had grown up, they could stir up trouble in future succession to the throne. Therefore, King Munjong intended to concentrate power on himself and remove trouble in future succession to the throne by selecting his son as successor to the throne. After the installation of Wangtaeja(王太子, the Crown Prince), King Munjong expanded and organized Donggunggwan(東宮官, the establishment of Secretariat of Wangtaeja) and carried out various rituals related to Wangtaeja. The control system for Donggunggwan was completed institutionally in 1068. At this time, the newly organized Donggunggwan was operated as a miniature version of the central government office. In addition, the ritual for the installation of Taeja, which was held in 1054, complied with regulated procedures. After the ritual of the installation, a ceremony to congratulate on Jangheungjeol(長興節, the birthday of Wangtaeja) was held in 1056. In 1064, the wedding ritual of Taeja took place, and the ritual for Taeja regulated in Yeji(禮志) of "Goryeosa(高麗史)" was carried out. In addition, the installation of Wangtaeja was made known overseas, and the Taeja of Goryeo was proclaimed by the Kitan three times. Such various measures played an important role in strengthening the status of Taeja as the man of authority next to the king. Later, Taeja demonstrated his status as the man of authority following the king by participating in state affairs on behalf of King Munjong who was not able to move about freely in his later years.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.3
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• pp.102-118
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• 2022

Gyeongju, the capital of Silla, is the very essence of the culture and technology of the thousand-year-reign of Silla. However, few studies have been conducted on the landscape sites of the capital of Silla other than Donggung Palace and Wolji Pond, due to the lack of related data. Therefore, this study examined the construction characteristics and nature of the garden pond in Guhwang-dong, whose complete appearance was identified through excavation following Donggung Palace and Wolji Pond. Since the excavation of the garden pond in Guhwang-dong, Gyeongju, there have been disagreements in academia as to whether it is a palace pond or a temple pond of Bunhwangsa Temple. Considering the unique characteristic of the garden pond that it is divided into two periods, it was interpreted that it would have functioned as a ritual facility related to Ryong (oriental dragon) belief in the 6th to 7th centuries, the first period, and as a garden pond with enhanced landscaping functions in the 8th to 9th centuries, the second period. In addition, it is highly probable that it was the site of Cheongyeongung Palace (青淵宮) and Jochujeong Pavilion (造秋亭) mentioned in the literature records. The "ㄹ"- shaped waterway, a characteristic facility of the first period, was found; however, considering its width and depth, it is insufficient to conclude that it was a simple drainage facility. Rather, it is more likely that it functioned as a passageway for the conceptual entry of Ryong during Ryong rituals. Furthermore, some have suggested that it may have been a ceremony-related Yusang-goksu (流觴曲水) facility. These facilities related to Ryong rituals were reorganized in the second period. Specifically, the nature of the garden pond was changed centered on the landscaping function in connection with the addition of a curved revetment, garden stone, and pavilion buildings, and the dismantlement of the "ㄹ"-shaped waterway and hexagonal building. As for nature, it can be regarded as a royal facility in terms of decorative elements including the ritual function of the first period and the gwimyeonwa (ghost face tiles) of the second period. Judging from the fact that the upper part of the embankment adjacent to the west side of the site was removed, it is very apparent that the main building was located on the upper part of the embankment. There would not have been a large-scale building site because it served the functions of ritual and recreation, rather than being the residence of the king.