• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.37-71
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• 2018

Since 2016, public and political interest on basic income has been increased beyond academic interest. The recent debate on basic income has expanded on issues regarding to the concrete implementation of basic income moving further than the debate on conception of the basic income in the abstract level. This study examines major critiques of basic income which was raised from social policy area and makes a counter-argument on these critiques. Major points summarized as follows. First, the problem of jobs and social insurance exclusion is not serious enough to call for basic income. Second, existing social security systems will be crowded out by excessive financial burden if basic income is introduced. Third, policies to cultivate citizens' capacities to cope with a technological change should be given priority over basic income. This study disputes these critiques by counter arguing four points. First, it is necessary to reconstruct welfare state based on basic income, given the labor market changes, such as long-term trend of employment change, newly emerging employment of platform companies, and inconsistency of platform labor and social insurance. Second, hypothesis of crowding-out effect on social security system is just a criticism that can be applied to the basic income initiative of the right-wing. Also, it is unable to find a logical basis or evidence of this hypothesis from the historical process of welfare state development or previous studies. Third, it is necessary to discuss how to reconfigure existing social security system and basic income which are complementary to each other and also have consistency with labor market as a configuration, not as a matter of choosing between basic income and social security system. Fourth, de-laborization does not mean a refusal to labor but a free choice, and the basic principle of social security is not needs but right. In conclusion, in order to develop more productive debate on basic income, it requires more sophisticated discussion and criticism from the point of view of the distributive justice; the debate on the sustainability of social insurance-centered welfare states; and debates on the political realization of basic income.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.148
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• pp.1-27
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• 2018

The 10th constitution established in 1987 serves as the theoretical foundation of democracy in South Korea in the 21st century. Respect for human rights, resistance to injustice, and equality consciousness inherent in this constitution do not conflict with the content of Confucian philosophy. This means that the spirit of the constitution of South Korea in the 21st century was formed under the influence of the idea of democracy and Confucian philosophy. However, the 10th constitution attaches importance to the idea of the 'Basic free and democratic order', which was accepted in the Yushin constitution and inherited by the military forces. The Yushin constitution was affected by liberalism that prioritizes freedom over equality rather than supporting the compatibility between freedom and equality. Therefore, policies to expand the interests of the bourgeoisie rather than public welfare or the interests of the public have been implemented frequently. In particular, during the Lee Myeong-bak and Park Geun-hye regimes, many unequal phenomena were mass-produced. Confucian philosophy in the 21st century critically sees this unequal society. Confucian philosophy thinks that a sense of relative deprivation plays a role of alienating humans and emphasizes the importance of equal relationships. In addition, this constitution emphasizes the rule of law. However, the rule of law attaches importance to positive laws when the spirit of the constitution that contains natural law is applied to reality through systems. This rejects autonomous judgments and choices while inducing reliance on heteronomy. These heteronomous laws as such are accompanied by forcibleness. The positive laws as such can degrade humans into passive beings that indiscriminately adapt themselves to frames already set instead of active beings that think freely and creatively. Confucian philosophy regards and criticizes the rule of law as a system that makes humans into a means. Confucian philosophy regards humans as moral beings instead of tools. Confucian philosophy seeks to build a healthy society through morality accomplished through conscious realization of the principles of life. Confucian philosophy regards humans as originally free beings. Therefore, human beings are autonomous beings, not heteronomous beings. According to Confucian philosophy, humans beings that can realize the morality contained in their inner side by themselves to responsibly carry out their own judgments and choices. Therefore, Confucian philosophy, which considers human beings as beings to be trusted instead of beings to be distrusted, attaches importance to the realization of human decency through edification rather than by punishment through the law. This means that human values cannot be kept by the heteronomy termed positive laws but the identity of humans can be maintained by voluntary choices and judgments. As such, the comment of Confucian philosophy on the problems of liberal democracy and positive laws contained in the 10th constitution can be helpful in essentially solving the contradictions of modern South Korean society.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.429-446
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• 2018

The $4^{th}$ Industrial Revolution, symbolizing the explosive innovation of digital technologies, is expected to have a great impact on labor relations and produce a lot of contested issues. The labor-management issues, created by the $4^{th}$ Industrial Revolution, are as follows: (1) employment restructuring, job re-allocation, and skill-reformation, driven by the technological displacement, resetting of worker-machine relationship, and negotiation on labor intensity and autonomy, (2) the legislation of institutional protection for the digital dependent self-employed, derived from the proliferation of platform-mediated labor, and the statutory recognition of their 'workerness', (3) unemployment safety net, income guarantee, and skill formation assistance for precarious workeforce, (4) the protection of worker privacy from workplace surveillance, (5) protecting labor rights of the digital dependent self-employed and prcarious workers and guaranteeing their unionization and collective bargaining. In comparing how labor unions in Western countries have responded to the $4^{th}$ Industrial Revolution, German unions have showed a strategic approach of policy formation toward digital technological innovations by effectively building and utilizing diverse channel of social dialogue and collective bargaining, while those in the US and UK have adopted the traditional approach of organizing and protesting in attempting to protect the interest of platform-mediated workers (i.e. Uber drivers). In light of the best practice demonstrated by German unions, it is necessary to build the process of productive policy consultation among three parties- the government, employers, and labor unions - at multi levels (i.e. workplace, sectoral and national levels), in order to prevent the destructive damage as well as labor-management confrotation, caused by digital technological innovations. In such policy consultation procesess, moreover, the inclusive and integrated approach is required to tackle with diverse problems, derived from the $4^{th}$ Industrial Revolution, in a holistic manner.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.137
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• pp.57-79
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• 2016

The purpose of this paper is to explain MacIntyre's critique of moral pluralism of modern society and reveal the limits of his critique of liberalism. It is a distinctive feature of the social and cultural order that we inhabit that disagreements over central moral issues are peculiarly unsettleable. Debates concerned with the value of human life such as those over abortion and euthanasia, or about distributive justice and property rights, or about war and peace degenerate into confrontations of assertion and counter-assertion because the protagonists of rival positions invoke incommensurable forms of moral assertion against each other. We usually call this situation 'modern moral pluralism' and concede as the natural outcome of the activities of human reason under free institution. But in After Virtue, MacIntyre vigorously criticizes modern moral pluralism. The main cause he took which brought about this state of affairs was the failure of 'the Enlightenment project'. According to MacIntyre, the Enlightenment project which has dominated philosophy for the past three hundred years promised a conception of rationality independent of historical and social context, and independent of any specific understanding of man's nature or purpose. But not only has that promise in fact been unfulfilled, the project is itself fundamentally flawed and the promise could never be fulfilled. In consequence, modern moral and political thought are in a state of disarray from which they can be rescued only if we revert to an Aristotelian paradigm, with its essential commitment, and construct an account of practical reason premised on that commitment. But one of the deepest difficulties with the argument of After Virtue is that the very extent of its critique of the modern world seems to cast doubt on the possibility of any realistic revival under the conditions of modernity of the Aristotelianism which MacIntyre advocates. Especially when we consider we are not only the characters found in our narratives but also we ourselves are the author of our own narratives. Moral pluralism is not seen as disaster but rather as the natural outcome of the activities of human reason under enduring free institutions.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.17
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• pp.247-292
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• 2008

Investigations have been started to set the modern history and national spirit to rights after Commissions were established. Those Commissions are established and operated with time limit to finish its own missions. They creates three kinds of records as acquired materials which acquired or are donated for investigation; investigation records as investigation reports; and administrative records that created while supporting organization's operation. The Commissions use more past records to do special tasks asnation's slate clean and uncovering the truth than other agencies. In other words, the commissions take the most advantages of well-managed records, however, their record management environment and operation systems are relatively loose than other permanent machineries. It has three reasons that; first, there is no record management regulations and criteria for machineries that have time limit. This affected each commissions 'systems and 6 Truth Commissions' record management systems are built separately and on the different level; Second, members lack responsibility from frequent sending, reinstatement, change, and restructuring and that makes troubles to produce and manage records; Third, central archives pay less attention to machineries that operated limited period as the truth commissions. The Commissions rather need more systematic control because its records have historical value. To solve these problems, record management regulations have to be prepared first with features of organizations running limited time and commissions' records as acquired materials or investigation records. Furthermore, building up standard record management system for the Commissions, standardizing transfer data, imposing professional record personnel, and setting limits frequent personnel changes would finish practical problems. Besides, those records created to reveal the truth should use for education and research because Truth Commissions are established to set unfortunate history right and not to repeat it again. The records would serve as steppingstone for establishment of the Truth Record Center that does education, information work, publication, and research with the records. The record center would help using the records efficiently and improving knowledge for its people. And, the center should devote people to recognize importance of the records.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.18
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• pp.257-280
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• 2008

The purpose of this paper is reviewing the hot issue called 'draining away the presidential records' case occurred recently and finding the root cause why the state of affairs has been happened in Korea. Though the presidential records management law ensures the rights for the prior president to view his presidential records, the prior president has copied his presidential records produced while in office and moved to his private house at his retirement. He might have interpreted his right to his presidential records too broadly and done the 'draining away' them. There was a motive why the prior president did that at that time. The reason was because the National Archives didn't guarantee the services for right viewing the records to him who wanted to review his records from right after his retirement. The National Archives have judged the draining away the prior presidential records as illegal and accused a few public servants suspected to be responsible for the affairs. The formal accuser is the National Archives, but the actual accuser might be the current Presidential Secretariat. Whatever the results of juristic judgement are, the reason why the records management field should focus and treat this case importantly is that the collapse possibility of the protection wall needed essentially and critically to the Presidential records becomes very high. The root cause of this case might exist in the fact that the records and archives management organizations have not owned the political independence. But the National Archives has submitted the revised bill of the public records and archives management law which lower the position of the National Records Management Committee controlled under from the Prime Minister to the Ministry of Administration and Security. It might be hot concern that the records and archives management organizations have difficulty for keeping the political independence if the revision would be passed. Besides the political independence factor, the most important factor needed for the right records management is the establishing the professional specificity of records management. The specific action for the establishing professional specificity would be employing of specialists and introducing the open official appointment. But it was found from the reorganization after the governmental change that the professional specificity of the National Archives have been reduced. Although the policies introduced by the new government are worrying, it might be an inheritance from the prior government. If new government would build establish the institution for the political independence of the records and archives management organizations and expand the employment of the records management professions to the local government, these affairs can be not only the responsibilities but also the achievements of the new government.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.82-103
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• 2017

Systems operating construction expenses for preservation and repair of the architectural heritage may be divided into two in the Japanese colonial era. They are preservation cost nd preservation cost-aided constructions, according to the ownership of a building. Preservation cost construction refers to preservation and repair of government-owned buildings that Japanese Government General of Korea had the ownership and the right of management, and preservation cost-aided construction means preservation and repair of private buildings such as Buddhist temples. In the case of preservation and repair of buildings owned by the government, it was done by the Japanese Government General of Korea, so the same agent executed the budget and managed the properties. They included royal tombs and relics, old government offices, Hyanggyo and some Seowon. On the other hand, in the case of preservation and repair of private buildings, they were private properties, so Japanese Government General of Korea had rights only for permission of preservation and repair. If there was a request for .preservation and repair by an owner, the Japanese Government General of Korea decided on whether it would support its expenses or not and played a role of management and supervision. It applied to Buddhist shrines and pagodas owned by Buddhist temples and shrines and temples owned by individuals and families. Hence, in the case of government-owned buildings, because the preservation cost was spent from the Japanese Government General of Korea's budget for investigation expenses of historical remains or repair expenses of Jeolleung and ruins, they were classified into preservation cost constructions. As for private buildings, the cost was spent from their budget for aiding preservation expenses, so they were classified into preservation cost-aided constructions. Because preservation cost construction and preservation cost-aided construction were conducted by two different agents, there were a little difference in procedures for executing a construction. There was no big difference in the general progress of constructions but was an administrative difference in the kinds of documents submitted and the roles of field supervisors. Such dual systems remained unimproved throughout the Japanese colonial era. The Japanese Government General of Korea was the colonial government so much influenced by the Japanese Government. Most Japanese architectural heritage was owned by Buddhist temples and Shinto shrines and there was almost no building owned by the government, resulting in a unitary system unlike Korea. Heritage system by the Japanese Government General of Korea was established under the influence of Japan regardless of the situation in Korea. Accordingly, Japanese Government General of Korea could not present a definite solution in the bisected system of preservation and repair expenses for the heritage. It shows the limits of the Japanese Government General of Korea in the colonial era.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.22
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• pp.3-35
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• 2009

We have innovated the records management since 2004. So, We innovated the electronic records management, transparency, and accountability. From these results, we could mark a turning point to plant the democratic values in the government It is very surprising, but it is fact that there are the estrangement between the high level institutionalization and low level records cultural soil. But after starting new government, things have been going backward. We have experienced the hyper-politicized problem, shrinking governance problem, regressive personnel policies in the National Archives of Korea. 'New Innovation Model' has resulted the shrinking democratic values, and the growing the bureaucratism. At this point of change, it will be meaningful to review the future of records management. First, we should make the more archives to realize the self-control decentralization model. It means that all local governments has the duty to build the archives, and to operate it with a principle of autonomy. Second, We should start the culture movement to build the more archives, the small archives in private sector. Archives are necessary in the NGO, Universities, firms, art, media, etc. And the small archives are necessary in the various communities, which enhance the rights of minority. All these will spread the democratic values in our society. Third, right democracy system should be operated for the political neutrality, independency. This problem is not prohibited within the national archives innovation model. So, we should transfer the powers of government to local government, and we should re-innovate the National Archives Committee will have the role to make the important records management policies. In short, Unless going to forward with the more democratic values, it would go backward 'records management without democracy'.

• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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• v.32 no.6
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• pp.639-645
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• 2018

The objective of the study is to analyze the impact of zone adjustment by comparing the changes from 2011 to 2018 of social and environmental factors such as the special-purpose area, actual construction activities including building development, land use environment, and officially assessed individual land price in the areas released from the National Park Zone during the second National Park Zone adjustment during 2010 to 2011 with the social and environmental factors in the areas that remained in the National Park Zone during the same period. We intended to investigate the problems of the second National Park Zone adjustment and explore alternative implications for the third National Park Zone adjustment. As for the special-purpose area, 80.4% of the released areas were converted to planned, production, and conservation area while 15.6% changed to the agricultural area, and 4.0% remained as the natural environmental conservation area. Regarding the change in building development scale, the average size of construction in the released area since 2011 was $106m^2$ while that in the retained areas was $91m^2$. For the land use environment, the rate of change from the natural area to developed area was 1.9% in the released area and 0.7% in the retained area. The officially assessed individual land price increased by 11,911 won in the released area and 4,413 won in the retained area. Although both areas showed an increase in the land price, the difference of officially assessed individual land prices was about 2.5 times. The problem concerning the private property rights of local residents in the national parks is still a challenge, but the second National Park Zone adjustment has resolved the problem significantly. Accordingly, it is necessary to offer the benefits for the residents in the national park area by analyzing the park zoning and park facility planning to present the rational alternative. It is also necessary to establish a support system that encourages the collaborative cooperation between the park authority and residents and assures that the residents to have pride in the national park.

• 한국노년학
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• v.36 no.4
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• pp.1003-1024
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• 2016

The human rights of older people have gotten more attention recently in South Korea, a country that is in transition to a super-aged society. This study aimed to systematically review studies on elder abuse and related factors among community-dwelling older adults in South Korea over twenty years (1994-2016). We searched major databases (Riss, DBpia, KISS, KMbase, and PubMed) and identified published studies relevant to the topic. Based on inclusion and exclusion criteria related to study quality, a total of 31 studies were selected for this review. We examined types, measurements, and risk factors of elder abuse as well as study designs in the selected studies, guided by Johannesen's theoretical framework on elder abuse. All of the reviewed studies on elder abuse in Korea were cross-sectional studies, most of which focused on older people living in urban areas, using a non-random sampling method. All of the studies focused on certain types of elder abuse only. Some adopted elder-abuse instruments that were not validated, and others used self-developed instruments without psychometric tests. As for the risk factors of elder abuse in South Korea, the physical and mental health of the victims and aggressors impacted the risk of elder abuse, but general sociodemographic factors such as age, sex, and education were less likely to be related to the risk. In addition, decreasing caregiver burden and building elder-friendly communities are important for the prevention of elder abuse. Needed are further empirical studies on elder abuse with a theoretical framework that gives consideration to the unique sociocultural contexts of Korea. It is also recommended to develop instruments to measure elder abuse reflecting the sociocultural contexts of Korea, and to examine the multi-dimensional risk factors of elder abuse.