• 복식문화연구
• /
• 제8권2호
• /
• pp.237-260
• /
• 2000

According to the study of Jik-Ryoung(直領) consulting chronicles of the Chosun Era, Jik-Ryoung had been worn for various uses as official outfit, ordinary attire or clothes for the celebration of their coming of age, wedding ceremonies, funeral rites, and religious ceremonies, etc. from the beginning to the end of the Chosun Era. The conclusions are shown briefly as follows. 1. There are several terms of Po(袍) related to Jik-Ryoung in the chronicles under the name of Jik-Ryoung Ui(直領衣), Ui-Sal Jik-Ryoung(衣撒直領), and Jik-shin(直身). Jik-Ryoung Ui is the other name of Jik-Ryoung that they called it when it was used for funeral rites and religious ceremonies. The chinese Ye-Sal(曳撒) was called the Ui-Sal Jik-Ryoung in Korea, but this is different with Jik-Ryoung regarding its divided up and bottom style. Jik-Shin is almost same as Jik-Ryoung. 2. During the latter period of the Chosun Era, we can find diferent frequency in use of the Jik-Ryoung. Jik-Ryoung was shown constantly in the cases of that ding, Chinese Prince and lower-level constantly in the cases of that king, Crown Prince and lower-level officials wore it for funeral rites and lower-level officials, artisans, merchants, humbles and slaves wore it for official outfit. Uses of the Jik-Ryoung increased for military officers'outfits, in contrast to decreasing of uses for ordinary attires of king, Crown Prince, and the commons, and official outfits of civil officials. 3. These different aspects mean the change of estate and role. For the basic four ceremonial occasions the ceremonies of coming of age, marriage, funeral, and ancestor memorial-, it appeared constantly. Therefore the social role had been maintained also by then. As an official garb, the role for official uniform of petty official maintained by the end of the Dynasty. But from the latter 1600's to the former 1700's, the roles for official garbs of civil officials and military officers decreased and increased respectively. Before the Hideyoshi's Invasion of Korea in 1592, ordinary social clothes had orders by people's social status who wore them ; those were Dan Ryoung(團領), Hong Jik Ryoung(紅直領), Jik Ryoung(直領), Cho'l Rick(철릭) in the order named. After the war, various Po(袍), Shim Ui(深衣), Jung Chi Mak(中致莫), Chang Ui(　衣), Jang Ui(長衣), Ju Ui(周衣) and so on had been worn until the King Young Jo(英祖)·Jung Jo(正祖) period. In result, the social role of Jik-Ryoung was reduced as the uses decreased more and more. For a mourning dress, it had a same aspect as the case of ordinary social wear. 4. Considering the color, they used blue for the clothes for doing-up-the-hair ceremony, white for mourning clothes, and white, black for ancestor memorial ceremony clothes. On the official outfits of officials, dark blue and black were used mostly. And lower-level officials'clothes had white, red, and green on them. They used red and green for the plain dresses. 5. Examining the materials, clothes for the celebration of one's coming of age were made of high quality silks, Kwang Hwa Dan(廣禾緞). Also, they made clothes for funeral rites of rough and thick linen, and made clothes for religious ceremonies of linen and hemp. The official outfits were made of practical materials like cotton, hemp and ramie. Cotton, pongee and satin were used to make ordinary attire.

• 한국실내디자인학회논문집
• /
• 제18권5호
• /
• pp.164-174
• /
• 2009

Since the end of 19th century, The form and inner space for the religious ceremony; liturgical space of Catholic churches in Busan diocese have been changed as various styles by several outer and inner factors. The changing of historical, social, and religious environment, such as Opening Harbor, Japanese Occupation, Korean War & Rehabilitation Period, and Vatican II are generally regarded as main outer factors, and the locality that lay behind the flux of those events is considered as the main inner factor. The former has usually operated as a momentum for showing general trend of Catholic church, while the latter has made local singularity expressed as unusual style and somewhat modified liturgical space compared with Its contemporary churches. In the context, this paper attempt to analyze the transformation process of style and liturgical space of Catholic churches in Busan diocese focused on revealing local singularity with main five churches, Bumil Church, Samrangjin Church, Milyang Church, Jungang Church, and Dongrae Church, constructed between the end of 19th century and 1962.

• 한국의상디자인학회지
• /
• 제16권4호
• /
• pp.49-62
• /
• 2014

This study is intended to historical research the Jebok(ritual robes) of Jirisan Namakje. Joseon Dynasty established Five Manners as a country-ruling policy on the basis of Confucianism, the religious clothes-wearing method has been established through Sejong Silok Five Manners and the ritual robes system of all the government officials has been handed down to the end of Joseon Dynasty. The ritual robes of all the government officials was worn at the timed of the religious ceremony included ritual manners, and ritual robes are composed of Yanggwan, Ui, Sang, Jungdan, Peasul, Hwan, Wu(a cord, a leather belt, a belt, jade, a mace, Bangsimgokryeong, Mal, Ri, etc., and the rank was classified by the number of the veritical line of Ynaggwan, a leather belt, Hwan, Wu and jade and typeof a mace. "Jongmyouigwe" during the reign of king Sukjong described exactly the Uicha and textile of the ritual robes at that time, the textile Ui used Heukju as same as "Jegiakgidogamuigwe", and jade was used only in case of the first rank ritual official and other government officials did not wear jase. Also, it was revealed that all officials used a wooden mace, and in case of Husu, the first rank ritual official used Jikseong and other official used a picture.

• 복식
• /
• 제14권
• /
• pp.63-73
• /
• 1990

The thought of three religious, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, had been the mainaxis of Korean spirit of the past. This study is centered on Buddhist and Taoist costume. There have been a lot of studies on Korean costume from many viewpoints. However, there have been few approaches to the inner !"ide of it. That is to say, the research on spiritual back-ground or religious correlation has not done yet. And especially, we are wholly lacking the studies on Taoist costume. In this dissertation, I investigate how they had come to wear Buddhist costume and how it trans, on the basis of related documentary records and existing remains. I also inquiry Taoist costume which was worn at Taoist ceremony in our country, with the help of Korean books and documents and of the sources of Packwoonkwan in China. In the case of Topobyunjeung in Korean costume, in particular, we can catch the source of it only after studying the religious side of Taoist costume and Buddhist costume. As revealed in the theory of Topobyunjeung in Ojuyunmoonja-ngsango by Lee, Kyu Kyung, even old masters and great Confucianists could not know whether Topo, the ordinary clothes of the Sadaeboo, originated from Taoist costume or Buddhist costume. There have been many opinions about the origin, but even now it is true that no one has made it clear. Therefore in this dissertatio I demonstrate mainly how Topo and Hakchangeui appeared in Korean costume through Taoist costume. It is said that Taoists, Buddhists, and literary men wore Topo, Chickchul, and Chickshin in Song dynasty of China. Topo was a clerical robe of Taoists and was also an ordinary clothes. Chick-chul was a clerical robe of Buddhists, and Chick-shin was worn by Zen priests in Won dynaty. Over the Po, Buddhist wore a large robe, namely Kasa, and Taoist wore Packhakchang like Wooeui, when they attended at the religious ceremony. And they regarded such manner of dressing as ceremonial full-dress attire. The style of Topo in China was Saryunggyogeo. The is th say that they put the black Yeon along Sajoo, which are Young, Soogoo, Keum, and Keo, and that they wore Sajodae around their waists so as to let the band down in front of them. Our existing type of Topo is that of Chickryung-gyoin. The characteristics of the type are its Koreum hung on the dress, no Yeon along Sajoo, and Soopok at the back of the dress. And when they put on the dress, they wear Saejodae around their waists. These characteristics considered, we can find the source of Topo from the Po of Chickshin among Buddhist costume. Other types of Topo are those that were transformed elegantly according to our national manners and customs in our country. So-called Wooeui in Chiness Taoism is Hakchang. Originally it was made by weaving for of cranes or other feathered birds. Its remarkable feature is the wide sleeves. Later they called such a robe with wide sleeves Hakchang. Our hakchangeui has Yeon along Sajoo and a belt around waist. We can guess that the features of Topo and wide-sleeved Hakchang mingled and turned into Hakchangeui. Or it might also be that Topa worn by Taoist was regarded as Hakchang and Topa which has Yeon along Sajoo was regarded as Hakchangeui in our country. Such type of Hakchang worn by Taoists was well shown in the Buddhist and Taoist paintings among "The Pictures of Hills, Waters, and Folks" in the latter half of the 16th century. In China Hakchang with a belt around waist could not be seen. Comparing our style of Hakchangeui with the Chinese style, we can recognize the former was similar to that of Chinese Topa. From this, we gather that Topa was regarded as Hakchang, Wooeui worn by Taoists, Ascetics and True Men in Korea. Furthermore I also gather that our Hakchangeui, which has Tongjeong, Koreurn and a belt around waist, was a transformed style in our own country. From the above, we can realize that in costume the three religions, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, cannot be treated separately although they are different each other in the essential thought. We have to recognize that Korean Costume was established under the closely connected correlation among the religions and that it was transfigured and accepted according to the cultural characteristics. This study is significant in that it is the first attempt to understand Korean costume through the religous approach, which has never been made in our Korean costume studies. We are demanded even more wide and profound investigation on the religious side of costume throughout the general field of costume studies.

• 수완나부미
• /
• 제4권2호
• /
• pp.1-16
• /
• 2012

In 2010, nearly thirteen hundred Buddhist monks from all over the world converged on to the small Indonesian resort town of Berastagi to celebrate the inauguration of the Taman AlamLumbini, a replica of Myanmar's most iconic Theravada Buddhist temple, the ShwedagonPaya. Nestled on Christian lands within a predominantly Muslim country, the building of the Taman AlamLumbini marked several years of negotiation amongst various religious communities, local government mediators, and patrons. This study makes a preliminary assessment of the ways in which cultural and historical discourses were used by participants to evoke a sense of transnational connectedness outside the realm of formal bilateral diplomacy. Through particular Buddhist ceremonies, rituals, and imagery, Myanmar sponsors and Indonesian patrons promoted a sense of broad pan-Asianism that linked monks, state officials, and local lay practitioners into a single community. A brief examination of the key speeches during the opening ceremony reveals that national interest and identity were still very much in play.

• 헤리티지:역사와 과학
• /
• 제41권1호
• /
• pp.57-78
• /
• 2008

신라의 화장묘에 관한 선학들의 연구성과를 살펴본 결과 화장묘의 도입과정에 있어서 중국 불교와의 관련성이 지적되었고, 화장묘의 형태변화와 인화문의 시문유무 그리고 장골기의 특징에 따라서 다양한 언급이 이루어졌다. 화장묘는 묘주의 신분에 따라서 이중형과 단독형으로 구분되며 왕경과 지방에 존재하는 화장묘는 그 종류에 있어서 차이를 보인다. 대표적인 장골기인 연결고리유개호는 인화문토기의 시문여부로 볼 때, 8세기~9세기까지 존재했음을 재확인하였다. 다만 9세기대의 연결고리유개호는 원화10년명 화장묘에서 알 수 있듯이 무문양이 주로 사용되었다. 불교신앙의 성행에 따라 704년에 당에서 처음 한역된 "무구정광다라니경"이 8세기 초에 신라로 전래되자 신라인들은 장골기를 사용한 화장묘를 조성하거나 바닷가 또는 산에서 산골을 행하던 장례의식에서 사찰 안에 자신과 가족의 복을 구하고 망자의 극락왕생과 다가올 내세를 기원하기 위한 염원을 담은 석탑을 세우는 조탑신앙으로 사후관념과 장송의례의 변화를 가져오게 된다. 결국 분묘로서의 화장묘가 가지는 의미는 점차 소멸하게 되며, 오히려 화장 후 산과 들에 산골을 한 후 사찰에서 망자를 추복하는 제사를 행하는 형태로 장례의식이 변화되었다고 생각된다. 따라서 화장묘가 가지고 있던 가족의 제사는 석탑의 조성과 사찰에서 이루어지는 법회를 통한 조상의 추모와 개인의 발복을 비는 모습으로 변화되었다. 결국 이러한 사회적 변화가 횡혈식석실분이나 화장묘와 같은 고분조성이 점차 소멸하게 된 원인이었음을 추정할 수 있었다.

• 한국식생활문화학회지
• /
• 제25권6호
• /
• pp.719-724
• /
• 2010

The purpose of this study was to survey public preferences for dining space image styles depending on the types of passage rites in Korea and to determine potential differences in public preferences for dining space image styles depending on the types of passage rites in terms of various general characteristics such as gender, age, family type, and preference for the image and color styles of the dining space. As a result, this study determined the following: According to a public preference survey of dining space image styles depending on the type of passage rites, our respondents showed the highest preference for casual images (27.1%) at a party for a 100-day-old baby. Additionally, our respondents showed the highest preference for casual images (27.4%) when celebrating a baby's first birthday but showed the highest preference for romantic images (35.8%) when celebrating a baby girl's first birthday. Our respondents showed the highest preference for casual images (21.4%) for graduation ceremonies. Our respondents showed the highest preference for classic images (21.7%) at coming-of-age ceremonies for new adult men, but also showed highest preference for elegant images (26.2%) at coming-of-age ceremonies for new adult women. Moreover, the respondents showed highest preference for classic images (41.0%) at traditional wedding ceremonies but elegant images (24.1%) at modern wedding ceremonies. In contrast, the respondents showed highest preference for classic images (31.3%) for a 60th birthday party. The highest preference for classic images (28.9%) was found for a diamond wedding ceremony. Respondents showed highest preference for classic images (30.4%) for a funeral ceremony Finally, our respondents showed highest preference for classic images (32.5%) at memorial services (religious ceremonies).

• 복식
• /
• 제66권7호
• /
• pp.34-49
• /
• 2016

The ancient 'sacred cloths' of Indonesia have diverse characteristics. The purpose of this study is to analyze the characteristics of ancient Indonesian textiles, focusing on 'sacred cloths.' The research is divided into two parts. The first part analyzes the creation period, religious importance, region where the cloths are found, and color of the 'sacred cloths.' The second part focuses on the textile-making techniques and the ritual patterns of the 'sacred cloths.' This research is the second paper. This research analyzes 225 Indonesian sacred cloth examples chosen for their religious function in ceremony, and reviews 10 books and 8 research papers. Field research was done in the Museum of Bali, the Indonesian Museum of Textiles, and nine weaving production houses in eastern Bali. Indonesian sacred cloths express their cultural philosophy and function through production techniques, colors, techniques, and visual patterns. The 'sacred cloth'-making techniques are classified as Batik, Prada, and Ikat. The regions that contribute to the textile production determine what patterns show up on the cloths. Sumatran patterns are philosophical, lavish, and prestigious. Bornean patterns are barbaric and prestigious. Balinese patterns are complex, decorative, warm, festive, calm, and aristocratic. Javanese patterns are symbolic and repetitive. Celebes patterns are artistic and simple. Nusa Tenggara patterns are symbolic and narrative. The forms shown on the textiles, whether geometric, human and animal, natural objects, or abstract patterns, determine how to classify the varied patterns. As a result, ancient Indonesian sacred cloths characteristics portray Indonesian identity as Bhinneka Tunggal Ika(Unity in Diversity).

• 공연문화연구
• /
• 제37호
• /
• pp.127-155
• /
• 2018

본고는 울산쇠부리소리의 민속연행적 구조와 그 의미에 대해 고찰하였다. 고찰 과정은 구조의 역사적 배경과 함께 구조적 특징의 주요 요소를 대비하면서 대비 과정에 울산쇠부리소리 각 구조의 의미를 살폈다. 울산쇠부리소리는 1.길놀이 2.고사 3.쇠부리불매소리 4.쇳물내기 5.쇠부리금줄소리 6.아이어르는불매소리 7.성냥간불매소리 8.뒷풀이난장으로 구성 되었다. 이 구성은 길놀이-고사-연행-대동마당이라는 민속놀이의 구조와 일치하며 민속신앙의 기본 구조인 청신-오신-위민-송신과도 유사하며 민속놀이의 길놀이-고사-연행-대동마당의 구조와도 일치한다. 이처럼 울산쇠부리소리는 순차적 병렬구조로 형식화 되었다. 울산쇠부리소리는 삼한시대 이래의 제천의식과도 닮았다. 육체적 희생에 따른 생명 탄생의 쇠부리소리는 새 생명 창조의 송가와 같은 역할도 한다. 울산쇠부리소리에는 한국의 민속문화 뿐만 아니라 좁혀서 경남지역의 민속문화가 그대로 녹아 있음을 알 수 있다. 울산쇠부리소리는 지모신을 향해 삶의 풍요를 기원하는 축제성격도 많다. 철을 생산하는 과정에 흙은 절대적 역할을 한다. 그만큼 쇠부리하는 사람들에게 흙은 신앙적 대상이라고 할 수 있다. 영남지역에 전승되는 민속연희 중에는 삶의 고단함을 넘어서려는 민중들의 애환이 예술정신과 혼합되면서 전승되는 연희들이 많다. 울산쇠부리소리의 경우는 삶의 고단함을 넘어 서려는 바람과 예술정신이 혼합되면서 만들어지고 전승된 경우라고 할 수 있다. 울산쇠부리소리는 전국 유일의 풍철기원(豊鐵祈願)의례다. 풍농과 풍어를 기원하는 의례는 전국에 다수 분포하고 있으나 풍철을 기원하는 울산쇠부리소리 의례는 전국 유일의 희소성을 지닌다.

• 한국축산식품학회지
• /
• 제34권1호
• /
• pp.7-13
• /
• 2014

The consumption of animal flesh food in Ethiopia has associated with cultural practices. Meat plays pivotal and vital parts in special occasions and its cultural symbolic weight is markedly greater than that accorded to most other food. Processing and cooking of poultry is a gender based duty and has socio-cultural roles. Ethiopians are dependent on limited types of animals for meats due to the taboo associated culturally. Moreover, the consumption of meat and meat products has a very tidy association with religious beliefs, and are influenced by religions. The main religions of Ethiopia have their own peculiar doctrines of setting the feeding habits and customs of their followers. They influence meat products consumption through dictating the source animals that should be used or not be used for food, and scheduling the days of the years in periodical permeation and restriction of consumptions which in turn influences the pattern of meat consumption in the country. In Ethiopia, a cow or an ox is commonly butchered for the sole purpose of selling within the community. In special occasions, people have a cultural ceremony of slaughtering cow or ox and sharing among the group, called Kircha, which is a very common option of the people in rural area where access of meat is challenging frequently.