• Acta Via Serica
• /
• v.5 no.1
• /
• pp.23-56
• /
• 2020

The study of Putin's Russia should be placed in a broad historiographical context, prevailing in the West. While in the beginning of the post-Soviet era, most observers believed that Russia would reach a Fukuyamian "end of history," the situation is quite different now. At present, Western observers see Putin's Russia as the manifestation of authoritarianism. While this assumption is undoubtedly true, it does not provide much insight into the regime's operational model. Here, a comparison with Renaissance and early modern Europe might provide a clue to the operational model of the regime. Similar to early modern European rulers, Putin limits the use of direct and wide use of force, preferring manipulation, corruption, and the targeted killing of his most important enemies. In foreign policy, Putin has tried to avoid wholesale conflicts and broadly uses mercenaries, whose relationships with the Kremlin are downplayed. The similarities between Putin's regime and early modern European regimes do not mean that their destinies will be the same. In Europe, the Renaissance led to centralized states, whereas in Russia, the "Renaissance" could well lead to the country's disintegration.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
• /
• v.11 no.3
• /
• pp.59-64
• /
• 2023

The ongoing war between Russia and Ukraine increases concerns around the world. Russian President Vladimir Putin attacked Ukraine, with a clear aim to protect ethnic Russians from Ukraine, and further to keep Ukraine from joining NATO. However, as the war takes longer than expected, Russia is getting more isolated from the world. Given this, we analyzed editorials from the New York Times by paying attention to the newspaper's viewpoint or ideological stance to the war, under van Dijk (1998)'s ideological square within the framework of critical discourse analysis. The analysis results are as follows: first, Ukraine, the United States and the Europe were designated as the ingroup, whereas Putin was as its outgroup; second, the editorials used negative words for their outgroup presentation, highlighting the outgroup's bad properties, while the positive words for their ingroup presentations were rarely used, indicating that the editorials reinforce outgroup exclusion only; third, it was only Russian President Vladimir Putin who was in their outgroup, while Russians were depicted as scapegoats to satisfy the pleasures of the maniacal Putin. Thus, it can be concluded that with the strategy of negative exclusion, the editorials clearly show their negative ideology towards the war by using negative words for the outgroup almost six times as often as positive words for the ingroup.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
• /
• v.43
• /
• pp.51-77
• /
• 2016

In February, 2012, three members of the Russian Feminist Rock group 'Pussy Riot' were accused of staging a 'Punk Prayer' in the Cathedral of Christ the Savior in Moscow and were imprisoned for two years. This case, which sparked widespread enthusiastic support from those in the West, was viewed in Russia in quite a different way. The Pussy Riot affair very effectively shows the historic base of contemporary Russian gender discourse and gives an explanation as to why Putin's very conservative and masculine-centered nationalistic agenda works in Russian society with such great success. In this article, we introduce the Pussy Riot case and compare the reactions to the case published in the Russian and Western press; we then examine the historic causes of the masculine-centered nationalistic agenda of Putin's government.

• Analyses & Alternatives
• /
• v.7 no.3
• /
• pp.85-114
• /
• 2023

The purpose of this study is to analyze Russia-Central Asia relations since the launch of the EAEU in 2015 and forecast the future from a structural realism perspective. Bilateral relations have both elements of close cooperation and elements of conflict. Russia and Central Asia, which have the characteristics of an authoritarian alliance, also have a symbiotic relationship in which they have no choice but to cooperate with each other to maintain the regime. Based on this, Russia has made various efforts to reunify Central Asia. Central Asia also has no choice but to cooperate with Russia for its survival, but at the same time, it has expanded its scope of cooperation in the international community to avoid being subjugated to Russia again. However, as China's power expands, Russia's relative weakness, and wariness toward Russia increases after the Ukraine War, the gap in bilateral relations is widening. In particular, as China's influence grows, Russia's nervousness also increases. This is why Putin visits Central Asia and holds active summit talks even during the war in Ukraine. If competition between Russia and China surfaces, there is a high possibility that the international order in Central Asia will become unstable. However, it is still unlikely that the power of Russia and China will reverse in Central Asia. Above all, the security, historical, and cultural connections between Russia and Central Asia are areas that are difficult for China to catch up with. Therefore, a weakening of Russia's influence compared to the past is inevitable, but its superiority is expected to continue. If Russia breaks away from belligerence and transforms into an attractive cooperative partner, there is a possibility that bilateral relations will take an upward turn again. However, it seems unlikely that such changes and innovations will occur under the Putin regime. Therefore, the biggest obstacle to realizing Putin's goal of reunifying Central Asia is Putin himself.

• International Area Studies Review
• /
• v.14 no.3
• /
• pp.502-523
• /
• 2010

A federal system speaks for a political system that the principle of the common sovereignty among the local governments is applied. The basic purpose of the system is to make institutional devices capable of striving for the mutual cooperation in a greater political unit, reflecting a minority race's right and demand by decentralizing a state authority into the individual region. The basic purpose for formation of a federal system is realized when a form for the supplement of political elite personnels has a autonomous nature by the subject of a federal structure. During from B.Yeltsin to V.Putin, a form for the supplement of political elite personnels into the local governments has changed by a political purpose of a central government, In company with this change, the character of federalism in Russia has been also changed. Accordingly, this study has treated a subject about how the political elite personnels of local assembly men, governors of a state, assemblymen of both Houses, and the president of Russia are suppled, and also how such a form for the supplement of political elite personnels has changed the character of federalism in Russia.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
• /
• v.12 no.4
• /
• pp.23-65
• /
• 2009

This study originates from the examination of both Soviet Russia's and contemporary Russia's tabula rasa that numerous comprehensive national exertions have been trying to overcome, relying on the creation of numerous national emblems, political symbols, and even folkloric materials. With this mind, this work substantiates how the political and cultural symbols have been created in the contemporary socio-political and socio-cultural discourse in Russia. As with the political symbols that most recently been studied by Lee Trepanier, it must be recognized that contemporary social movements and political discourses have failed to "articulate a concrete political vision that reflects a consensus among elites, nor have any gained popular support" as the author confessed already. Concomitant to this general consensus, as Roy Medvedev has put it, we can contend that "today's leaders in Russia have no new ideology, and the mass of the people have no strong new national idea."

• The Journal of the Institute of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
• /
• v.22 no.3
• /
• pp.25-30
• /
• 2022

This study is a study on the filter bubble reinforcement phenomenon of SNS recommendation algorithm such as YouTube, which is a characteristic of the Russian-Ukraine war (2022), and the victory or defeat factors of the hybrid war. This war is identified as a hybrid war, and the use of New Media based on the SNS recommendation algorithm is emerging as a factor that determines the outcome of the war beyond political leverage. For this reason, the filter bubble phenomenon goes beyond the dictionary meaning of confirmation bias that limits information exposed to viewers. A YouTube video of Ukrainian President Zelensky encouraging protests in Kyiv garnered 7.02 million views, but Putin's speech only 800,000, which is a evidence that his speech was not exposed to the recommendation algorithm. The war of these SNS recommendation algorithms tends to develop into an algorithm war between the US (YouTube, Twitter, Facebook) and China (TikTok) big tech companies. Influenced by US companies, Ukraine is now able to receive international support, and in Russia, under the influence of Chinese companies, Putin's approval rating is over 80%, resulting in conflicting results. Since this algorithmic empowerment is based on the confirmation bias of public opinion by 'filter bubble', the justification that a new guideline setting for this distortion phenomenon should be presented shortly is drawing attention through this Russia-Ukraine war.

• Korea Trade Review
• /
• v.46 no.5
• /
• pp.13-30
• /
• 2021

The government of Vladimir Putin, which has been ruling Russia for a long period since 2000, has recently strived for the balanced development of underdeveloped regions and sustainable economic growth. Therefore, along with energy development in the Far East and Siberian regions, the government is promoting development projects on logistics and distribution infrastructure. It is also expanding the construction of innovative districts to develop cutting-edge technologies in the outskirts of Moscow. Amid these moves, South Korea is pushing for the New Northern Policy aimed at widening economic cooperation with European and North Asian countries to expand the scope and influence of the country's trade market. The previous year of 2020, marked the 30th anniversary of establishment of diplomatic relations between South Korea and Russia. In this context, this study was initiated to propose various measures for promoting economic cooperation and expanding trade between South Korea and Russia. Therefore, this study examined Russia's political and economic environment and explored its major industrial environment with a focus on the energy industry, innovative districts and infra facility. The study also examined the progress of a FTA between the Eurasian Economic Union, in which Russia currently takes the lead, and South Korea and recommended several measures to upgrade and accelerate economic cooperation between the two countries through research on a range of topics.

• Proceedings of the Safety Management and Science Conference
• /
• 2012.04a
• /
• pp.43-59
• /
• 2012

As contemporary building construction type is getting higher and deeper,construction equipment usage is getting more, and related fatal accidents are on an increasing trend. In these days, due to the deteriorating construction business circumstance, job finding problem of equipment operator, and dumping contract, equipment lease suppliers are putin jeopardy. In high-rise building construction, especially tower crane, mobile elevated work platform and other High place operation cars among construction equipment cause many critical accidents because of drop supply of construction biding bringing out dumping contract could cause unsafe and poor construction management. Because of this, a method was drawn which could grasp the present state of construction equipment management and manage safety of the equipment more easily for accident prevention by choosing 2 kinds of Construction equipment which cause safety accident frequently among the equipment mainly used in construction site. This study suggested a method about construction equipment safety management using "smart phone" base which could be used in safety management for construction equipment by whomever in construction site. After attachment of QR code included safety checklist, It became possible that site managers could check more efficiently by scanning with their smart phone when they inspect equipment. Moreover, by the construction interested who didn't know what and how they have to inspect could point out unsafe condition in the early stage of equipment entering or take unsafe one out of the site by using new smart phone safety checking system is installed, it became possible that critical accident caused by construction equipment was prevented in advance.

• Analyses & Alternatives
• /
• v.7 no.1
• /
• pp.7-43
• /
• 2023

This study examines and identified a series of strategies of Russia's political elites to maintain and strengthen their dominance by reviewing the case of revisions in the election laws of Russia in 2014. At that time, a mixed-member electoral system was newly introduced, and on the surface, it seemed that the new system was a step toward meeting the demands of the people for "enhanced democracy". However, in 2016 and 2021, the ruling party of Russia won the general elections by making the most of the factors that could distort the election results inherent in the mixed-member electoral system. Therefore, this study aimed to analyze whether the revision of election laws was a mere vehicle used by the ruling party, United Russia, to maintain its political power, or whether it was a leap forward to achieve democracy. The study result indicate that the revision of election laws in 2014 was part of the policy responses to the internal conflicts in the circle of Russia's political elites, which had been rising since 2008, as well as to the public resistance. In other words, it was confirmed that the revision of election laws was one of the measures taken to "minimize competition" and "reproduce political power on a stable basis".