• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.78-117
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• 2017

Buddhism, which was subject to repression all over the early Joseon Dynasty, received a certain recognition from the state, because Buddhist monks had participated in the war of the Japanese invasion in 1592. On the other hand, however, one of the results was the destruction of many temples. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks themselves acted as players of Pungmul(people's percussive band music) for the rebuilding of Buddhist temples. These so-called "the Buddhist monks' Pungmul" is the imitation of former clowns' Pungmul and farmers' one that sometimes request money or rice at houses of villages. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the activities of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul were held all over the country. Today, there are "Bitnae Nongak(farmers'percussive band music)" in Kyeongsangbuk-do, "Beokku-noli(the drum play) in the areas of Yeosu and Gangjin in Jeollanam-do, the song of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul for the people's house spirits in the Gyeonggi-do, Gangwon-do and Chungcheong-do, and Namsadang-pae(the nomadic entertaining groups composed of only men), as clear pictures of it. In these things related to Nongak or Nongak relevant affairs, the shapes of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty remain clear. On the other hand, today the Namsadang-pae, which was formed as a result of Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty, was left only in the Chungcheong-do and Gyeonggi-do, because the temple construction in the Gyeonggi-do was made especially many in the late Joseon Dynasty. During the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks' Pungmul, which had long-lived and had taken place throughout the nation, had a great impact on Pungmul. There are the Buddhist elements, such as Gokkal(the Buddhist monk's peaked hat), paper flowers, the color band, the small drum, and Bara(small cymbals) are often found in the Pungmul of Korea. In the late period of the Joseon Dynasty, it is obviously important place in the Pungmul history of Korea. Research and studies on this subject should be made more in the future.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.41
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• pp.353-380
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• 2020

Samul nori/Pungmul-gut is the symbol of ethnic identity for the Koreans abroad. It is the representative diaspora musical genre which is performed many cultural events held by Koreans. It is, at the same time, a global music which is appreciated by not only the Koreans but also the foreigners. Many musical communities in various countries exhibit the cultural migration through the discourse of 'tradition/variation' and 'authenticity/hybridity' in the course of the acculturation and enculturation of samul nori/pungmul-gut. The pungmul-pae 'Bichoe June' active in Toronto, Canada was organized by a foreign performer. For the foreigners pungmul-gut is easy to access as a genre of world music. As a percussion ensemble, it is easy to learn for the foreigners. The pungmul-pae 'Bichoe June' is a 'music community' consist of the Koreans and foreigners. The band tries to preserve the traditionality and authenticity of the Korean music. There is no variation or hybridity in its music since the member still learns the authentic music through various available textbooks and internet sites. Through the participation of the Koreans and foreigners, the band stimulates the globalzation of the pungmul-gut. The enculturation of the pungmul-gut is exhibited in two performances held by the band. One was host by the Canadian progressive group and the other was by the Korean conservative community. The former understood the nature of pungmul-gut as the music of the common people. The latter, however, accepted the music as the representative traditional music but was not easy to enjoy the 'noisy' music. In other words, the positive/negative acceptance of the pungmul-gut depends of the ideological nature of the listeners rather than the ethnical nature.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.96-111
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• 2009

This essay is a study aimed at rationality and utility of two terms, 'Nongak' and 'Pungmul'. I examined how the terms have been today, by diachrony based on review of historical material. I tried to secure the historical context and basis about my argument, quoting many historical material from Korea Dynasty period, Joseon Dynasty period and the colonial period of the imperial Japan during 1910-45 to today. I examined many objective arguments about the 'Nongak', and pointed out the mistake of the objective argument. And I examined the means and rationality of the terms, 'Nongak', 'Pungmul', 'Pungmulgut', 'Pungmulnory'. The 'Pungmul' has been used as the means of instrument for a long time from Joseon Dynasty period. It is only rational using as the means of instrument but as the means of Performance of Nongak considering the historical legitimacy. The 'Pungmul' is Sino-Korean word, not korean native letter. The Pungmulgut means the 'ritual by Pungmul', so it can be recognized the rationality, but have a weak point that it is a neologism being made by some intellectuals in 1980s. In addition to, it is not used im performing field. 'Pungmulnory' has a limit to call the Nongak as a synthetic art. 'Nongak'means a synthetic art that farmers who were absolute majority in agrarian society of Korea have made and developed. So I conclude that 'Nongak'is the best rational term.

• CELLMED
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.1.1-1.2
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• 2022

Mental health is attributed to person's well-being, abilities and productivity. The purpose of this study is to suggest the effects of K-culture to people in adversity. It is PungmulPanGut, represented by traditional Korean play culture. Pungmul is a performance with four percussion instruments, Janggu (Korean hourglass drum), Buk (barrel shaped drum), Jing (large gong), Kkwaenggwari (small gong), and play. In Korean, "pan" means that it's a place to do something. Gut means to make a wish. The ensemble Better Than Medicine (eBTM) is a team that has trained and worked with Gamuak (歌,舞,樂; singing, dancing, playing) for a long time, but is not perfect (we refer this as 2% lacking in music). The characteristic of our team is that we share joy while voluntarily participating and doing what we like. It is a combination of singing, dancing, playing musical instruments, and exciting people. There is wind-like energy and there is mutual cooperation, not competition. As we concentrate, we become immersed in each other's breathing and movement. So it makes us forget the hard situation, the hardships, the pain, and so on. In the meantime, our pleasures peak and share happy energy with each other. Even though we are two percent less skilled, our sense of happiness doubles. Music together is not competition but cooperative work and healing. Therefore, we suggest that PungmulPanGut can be better K-culture than medicine in promoting mental health.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.131-169
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• 2016

We will study cultural sprauchling about Pungmul-Kut to find out the sphere of "Gui-myeong-gui" alongside Jeollanam-do, Jeollabuk-do western coast. In this area, there are some traits and terms about Gui-myeong-gui, a sort of Pungmul-Kut and Goon-go. Several Pungmul-Kuts which border the sphere of Gui-myeong-gui are Goon-gui in a southern direction, Unnyeongnongak of Honamudonongak in a eartern direction, and Yeongmujangnongak. The acculturation occurs in two ways. One is the possible acculturation with Goon-gi or Goon-go in coastal areas. The other is the acculturation with Honamudonongak. Especially, this phenomenan appears in double-way interaction. At first, there is the influence of Gui-myeong-gui in Honamudonongak. Kim Bau's style, which might relate to Gui-myeong-gui in Geommopojin, incorporate one of Panje of Honamudonongak through Park Namsik. This phenomenon is porved by the affinity between Eunjijaetji Galag of Honamudonongak GeollibKut and Eungmagaenggaeng Galag of Goon-go, and by the similarity to Neonari-Galag. In case of Neonari-Galag, the role of Jing in Neonari-Galag is replaced by Janggu in Honamudonongak, because of the geatest popularity of Janggu in those days. Secondly, there is the influence of Honamudonongak in Gui-myeong-gui. Northern sphere of Gui-myeong-gui like Buan-gun, Okgu-gun has been influenced since early $20^{th}$ century. In addition, the phenomenon which the sphere of Gui-myeong-gui accepts actively Honamudonongak could occur. So this thesis fragmentarilly checks the existence and traits of Gui-myeong-gui. Based on it, we would be able to reveal and reconstitute the nature of Gui-myeong-gui by understanding acculturation of Pungmul-Kut and by comparing Goon-go with Honamudonongak and Yeongmujangnongak in several regions. Also this thesis draws attention about meanings and effects of Yeonhuinongak's acceptace of Goon-beop.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.393-413
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• 2019

As one of a shaman song to reveal features of the byeolsin rite, East Sea coast, Gyeongbuk, Korea is matgut have been discussed for a long time. The rite is held to greet other shamans who were invited by a village resident and the highest shaman to perform the rite. When there is no highest shaman in the village, or when the highest shaman lacks the ability to perform the exorcism, other shamans are invited if a person is required to meet the scale of the rite, which is a rite of passage to verify their abilities and to become a community, even while the byeolsingut is held. The best shaman team, or village Pungmul team, and shaman team, When the strings are between them, they play music and struggle with each other, and the strings are lifted, they greet the god of the game at the altar, and the shaman turns around and plays with the field. However, the process of greeting the shaman at the exorcism rite after 2000 and the procedure of "Paggi-bogi" in which shamans take turns singing songs are disappearing. In addition, although the village Pungmul team has participated in the rite as a welcoming party for the shaman team, the purpose of the rite, which is to greet the shaman, is also being tarnished by leaving the role of the village Pungmul team to the outside team. This is due to changes in the villagers' perception of gut and shaman. As in the old days, it was necessary to greet a shaman as a rite of worship, although it was not necessary to confirm its ability to perform the rite of the village, due to the disparity of status. However, after the shaman has been transformed from a 'mysterious' existence into an intangible cultural asset functional owner, the perception of shaman changes and the village confirms the shaman's ability through an intangible cultural asset certificate. In addition, the number of villagers who know the details of the rite is decreasing, and most of the tasks such as preparation and proceedings of the rite are delegated to the shaman to hold the byeolsingut, and the nature of the exorcism of the exorcism is changing.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.40
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• pp.307-341
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• 2020

In the past, each villages of ULSAN had their own SUNGHWANGDANGs. Village folks held an annual ritual for a ghost called GOLMAEGI. That ritual, which was a form of festival supervised by the village community, was the opening of seasonal customs. People called the ritual JISINBOPKI. It was a type of NONGAK in which musicals and dramatic factors made a harmony. Usually its lyrics were called 'SUNGJUPURI'or 'JISINBOPKI' song. At that moment, villagers, thumping on the ground with their feet, danced 'DUTBEKI' to awake the sleeping ghost SUNGJUJISIN. After this ritual, the music band started to visit people's house after house around the town playing PUNGMUL NOLI which consisted of SOGO NORUM, JAPSACK NORUM. The whole proceeding of these performances did not have a definite name. Villagers prayed to SUNGJUJISIN for the prevention of bad luck in their home. This study have arranged the type of MAEGUCHIGI, which is a kind of wishing NONGAK, on the basis of two preceding primary documents. And the other is about JISINBOPKI of ULSAN district that was shown in ULSAN YUSA written by a local historian, KIM SUKBO, of ULSAN. The process of arrangement is as follows. At first, considering the implication of this NONGAK, the definite title of it was designated as ULSAN MAEGUCHIGI. And then, it was given its genre and type within NONGAK.

• The Journal of the Acoustical Society of Korea
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.12-17
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• 2008

Taepyeongso was introduced from China during the end of the Goryeo period and was used widely in Daechwita (military processional music), Pungmul-nori (farmers music), Buddhist music, royal ancestral rite music, and Sinawi, the instrumental accompaniment to shaman dances. Now, It has been popular as it is used for pop music and it is easy to learn. In this paper, Taepyeongso was analyzed for electronic Taepyeongso using physical modeling. We extracted resonance properties of Taepyeongso through the analysis of Taepyeongso sound. We analyzed the bell, the bore and the mouthpiece using FFT and LPC curve. As a result, the bell could be represented 2 pole filter and reflection filter between bore and bell.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.329-341
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• 2001

The purpose of this study focused on the distribution of crimes in Cheongju City. This study emphasized the characteristics of place and spatial pattern of crime in Central Business District(CBD). The crime core areas were delineated and explained through land-use based on fieldwork and GIS analysis For this aim. the police crime data of Cheongju Dongbu(east). Seobu(west) for 1998 were collected In which 3.909 indictable or similar offenses were reported. In this study, Included climes are murder. rape, robbery. arson, theft, burglary, assault and vandalism. Because theme crimes are related with site-specific crime. As a result. land-use patterns are often related to specific type of offenses. The climes in Cheongju City were concentrated in the CBD Most crimes were assaults and thefts Crime areas can be classified by the age of the offender Around Chungang and Pungmul Market in the CBD. the offender＇s ages were 30-50 dominantly Assaults and thefts were concentrated in Songan-gil(street). which is a place teen-ages and youngsters meet frequently The result of the buffering analysis with roads, explained 40% of crime within a 30m buffer area( including both sides) of a principal road The rest of the climes mainly occurred in the vicinity of narrow streets and alleys.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.1
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• pp.90-102
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• 2008

This paper has aimed to determine how the Suwon Palkyong(水原八景: eight scenic wonders) were formed and the implicature of landscape, such as implicit intention and symbolic significance. For this, the significance and symbolic meaning of the Suwon Palkyong from the time of the 'Hwaseong Chunchu Palgyeong(華城春 秋入景)' have been investigated in order to determine the political and social arguments in Suwon Palkyong that surrounded the formation process and meaning. The 'Hwaseong Chunchu Palkyong' contains a variety of significant elements and factors of Pungmul(Korean drum & dance) as well as formative elements such as a castle. Plantings for beautiful scenery and water use for flood control have also been major elements in the development of Hwaseong. Therefore, it seems that the 'Hwaseong Chunchu Palkyong' is a catchphrase for the future image of the urban landscape. Most Suwon Palkyong sites such as Paldalsan, Namje, Yungneung, Manseokgeo, Chukmanje, Hwahongmun, and Yongji(a pond in Banghwa Suryujeong) are related to the 'Hwaseong Chunchu Palkyong'. 'Gwanggyo Jeokseol(光敎積雪: the landmark mountain, Mt. Gwanggyo with snow)' and 'Paldal Cheongnam(八達晴嵐: Mt. Paldal with shimmering air)' have also been added to Suwon Palkyong. Suwon Palkyong is either directly or indirectly related with water including the origin of Suwoncheon(水原川), an artificial reservoir for flood control and irrigation and Bibopungsu in Yungneung(隆陵), as well as the source of water for rituals after the death of King Jeongjo(正祖大王). Based on Suwon Palkyong, therefore, it can be said that water is a decisive medium in connecting old Suwon with Hwaseong New Town and essential element in the natural landscape. In conclusion, while Hwaseong is a 'Designed Landscape' that was created with a specific intention during the reign of King Jeongjo, the 'Hwaseong Chunchu Palkyong is a 'Desired Landscape' that envisioned a future landscape while Suwon Palkyong is an 'Evolved Landscape' related to the business affairs of the citizens. To completely restore Hwaseong, whose value and importance have been recognized internationally, therefore, the fundamental restoration of a cultural landscape as well as the restoration of the original form of the Hwaseong landscape including Suwon Palkyong is essential.